Pressed between two powerful neighbours and perpetually wary of being drawn too near the orbit of either Moscow or Beijing, Mongolia has joined US President Donald Trump’s “Board of Peace,” a move that reflects the country’s longstanding effort to diversify its political partnerships.
The Mongolian government has not released details on the scope of its participation or any financial commitments associated with the initiative.
Trump has described the “Board of Peace” as a multilateral initiative focused on conflict mediation, postwar stabilisation and economic reconstruction, with Gaza identified as its initial priority. The initiative’s broader structure and long-term scope beyond Gaza have not yet been fully detailed.
Western countries, as well as Russia and China, have largely declined to join the initiative, but for Mongolia, the calculation appears less ideological than pragmatic. As a developing nation with vast resources but limited infrastructure, Ulaanbaatar may be able to use the Board to curry political and economic favour with Washington.
Third neighbours
Mongolia’s foreign policy emphasises maintaining close relations with countries beyond Russia and China — a framework known as the “third neighbour” strategy — to preserve diplomatic autonomy and reduce dependence on its immediate neighbours. The United States plays a central symbolic and strategic role in that approach.
“Historically, Mongolia has used moments of crisis to bond with the US, for example, by condemning the 1990 invasion of Kuwait or by joining the ‘Coalition of the Willing’ [in Iraq] in 2003,” said Amar Adiya, editor of the Mongolia Weekly online newsletter. 
In 2003, Mongolia committed troops to the US-led forces that fought the Iraq War. Here, Maj. Gen. T. Togoo, then chief of the Mongolian Army General Staff, greets Air Force Gen. Richard B. Myers, chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff, who visited Mongolia to relay Washington’s thanks (Credit: American Forces Press Service, public domain).
“Just as James Baker coined the ‘Third Neighbour’ term in 1990, the Board of Peace founding membership is the 2026 update — the ‘Third Neighbour’ 2.0,” said Amar. “It’s a way to ensure the US remains an active counterbalance to Russia and China, especially as Trump pivots to a ‘great power’ competition centred on critical minerals.”
Mongolia’s leadership, notably Prime Minister Zandanshatar Gombojav, is likely viewing the Board as a way to secure high-level access to the US administration.
“For Mongolia, the Board of Peace is less about world peace, despite the official narrative, and more about a presidential ‘fast-pass’ to the White House,” added Amar. “Zandanshatar knows that in Trump’s world, as in Mongolian domestic politics, you trade favours.”
Ulaanbaatar goals
Potential goals for Ulaanbaatar could include easing US immigration restrictions on Mongolian citizens and advancing economic cooperation. Mongolia also seeks more Western investment in its mining industry.
“This is an attempt to swap a seat at the table for a relaxation of the immigration visa freeze on Mongolians and gain more economic and investment deals, for example, critical minerals and direct flights,” Amar said.
Ulaanbaatar is also looking to extend Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) compacts funded by the United States. The first major project, a $285mn compact completed in 2013, focused on land rights, health, vocational training, energy and transport. A second, $350mn Water Compact targeted chronic water shortages in Ulaanbaatar. 
Blair involvement
A Trump visit to Ulaanbaatar or the long-discussed launch of direct flights between the two countries would be seen domestically as a diplomatic coup, Amar said.
He added that former British prime minister Tony Blair — who sits on the Board’s executive committee — may have played a behind-the-scenes role in bringing Mongolia into the fold. 
Blair “likely served as the bridge,” Amar said. 
Amar also suggested Ulaanbaatar could use the Board of Peace initiative to expand deployments of its United Nations peacekeeping soldiers.
“Given that the UN mandate in South Sudan is winding down, Mongolia is looking for a new home for its elite peacekeepers,” he said. “Repurposing these troops for ‘Board of Peace’ stabilisation missions in places like Haiti could serve as an ‘in-kind’ contribution, allowing Mongolia to skip paying the $1 billion [Board] membership fee.”
Julian Dierkes, a Mongolia expert at the University of Mannheim in Germany, said the decision to join the Board was consistent with Mongolia’s pattern of joining multilateral initiatives.
“Part of Mongolia’s foreign policy is the intention to maintain friendly relations with as many countries as possible,” Dierkes said. “That means that Mongolia has eagerly joined almost all multilateral initiatives available to the government.”
Complications and a balancing act
That approach has previously created diplomatic complications, he said, pointing to a 2024 incident involving a visit to Ulaanbaatar by Russian President Vladimir Putin. Mongolia is party to the International Criminal Court (ICC), which has a warrant out for the arrest of Putin for war crimes. Yet despite their agreements with the ICC, Mongolia welcomed Putin with a red carpet. 
In September 2004, Mongolia essentially ignored an International Criminal Court arrest warrant out for Vladimir Putin as it welcomed the Russian leader for an official visit. Putin is seen with Mongolian President Ukhnaagiin Khurelsukh during the visit (Credit: Russian Presidency, cc-by-sa 4.0).
Dierkes added that the government may perceive limited downside to participation.
“A radically realistic or perhaps cynical analysis might also suggest that the ‘Board of Peace’ will achieve exactly nothing, so that there is also very little cost to joining,” he said.
He also noted the continued importance of the US in Mongolia’s diplomatic calculations.
“Of course, the US is of particular, if largely symbolic, importance to the Mongolian government in maintaining ‘third neighbour’ links to counter pressure from its two overbearing immediate neighbours,” Dierkes said.
Amar described Mongolia’s current posture as a careful balancing act.
“Mongolia is playing a delicate game of ‘Three-Way Neutrality,’” he said. “If Moscow is open to the Board, Ulaanbaatar has a green light to flirt with Washington without fearing a backlash from the Kremlin.”
For now, Beijing’s response remains muted, and Ulaanbaatar appears willing to take the risk — betting that another seat at another table, even a controversial one, is better than being left out altogether.
By Michael Kohn

Published Date:2026-02-04