In just 10 months, Mongolia has now weathered three changes of governments, highlighting the lack of political stability.

Mongolia’s domestic politics has now reached a boiling point, with the resignation of the incumbent Prime Minister Zandanshatar Gombojav and nomination of the Speaker of Parliament and Party Chairman Uchral Nyamosor as his replacement. Mongolia has now had three governments since the ousting of Prime Minister Oyun-Erdene Luvsannamsrai in May 2025. The overall political fiasco is disheartening the Mongolian public and distorting any efforts toward good governance and political stability. 
On March 27, Zandanshatar, who took office in June 2025, submitted his resignation request to the Mongolian Parliament, the State Great Khural. This came as a shock to many Mongolians as the country braced for yet another leadership change, followed by a government change. 
The day after Zandanshatar’s resignation request the Mongolian Parliament voted 74 percent in support of relieving Zandanshatar from his prime ministership. During the Third Convention of the Mongolian People’s Party, the MPP voted 99.7 percent in support of Uchral Nyamosor as next prime minister to lead the country. Uchral previously served as minister of digital development and communications of mongolia and is currently the chairman of the MPP. 
The political discord that began last year with the ousting of Oyun-Erdene’s coalition government unfortunately has deepened and is becoming a disruptive force for Mongolia’s governance. Oyun-Erdene’s resignation was followed by indictment of the interim Speaker of the Parliament Bulgantuya Khurelbaatar, and now the abrupt resignation of Zandanshatar. 
In just 10 months, Mongolia has now weathered three changes of governments, highlighting the lack of political stability. The repeated upheavals further beg the questions of whether MPP should continue to lead the country’s government.
Among Mongolia observers, there are several competing explanations for the current political theater, relating to internal feud within the MPP but also involving the upcoming 2027 presidential election. 
In June 2025, when the Oyun-Erdene government was ousted by several major youth-led protests, there were rumblings about an unfriendly break between Oyun-Erdene and President Khurelsukh Ukhnaa. The Oyun-Erdene faction within the MPP pushed the narrative that Khurelsukh wanted to serve another term, which the presidential office repeatedly denied. Under Mongolia’s 2019 constitutional amendment, Khurelsukh can only serve one-six year term. 
Another explanation holds that the younger leaders within the MPP, particularly Oyun-Erdene and former Speaker of Parliament Amarbayasgalan Dashzegve, are making political maneuvers to bolster their influence with the goal of becoming the MPP’s presidential candidate. In terms of public opinion, it’s unlikely that either would have full confidence to be elected as president, given their roles in the political drama over the past year.
Zandanshatar stepped into the prime ministerial role during a hectic time in Mongolia’s domestic politics. Now his abrupt decision to resign also is read by some as a sign that he may be interested in running for the presidency as well. 
These arguments have been highly politicized. As a result, these failures and distorted political scenes of the MPP are actually strengthening confidence in the Democratic Party and the Khun Party candidates in the upcoming 2027 presidential election. 
Beyond the political fiasco within the MPP, the Mongolian people continue to voice their concerns with more concrete issues. Even while the country’s leadership was changing yet again, several protests erupted in Ulaanbaatar concerning a major highway construction project that will destroy the capital’s only major water source, the Khatan Tuul River. 
The building of a major highway was part of the Oyun-Erdene government’s 14 mega projects that aimed to reduce traffic congestion in the capital. On March 28 and 29, several protests took place in opposition to Mayor of Ulaanbaatar Nyambaatar Khishgee’s decision to build the highway, citing major environmental concerns. So far, the government remains unmoved. During a parliamentary session, MPs Lodoisambuu Chuluunbileg and Munkhbayasgalan Bayasgalan pointed to the existence of a counter protest to defend Nyambaatar’s decision to continue with the highway project despite the public’s opposition.
Researchers and environmental advocates continue to demand an expert review. Officials from the Ministry of Environment have deferred questions to the contracting companies and avoided accountability. Several parliamentary members cited major discrepancies and called for accountability from the mayor. 
The events over the weekend – not only the resignation of Zandanshatar Gombojav and the MPP’s nomination of Uchral Nyamosor as the next prime minister, but also the ongoing protests – do not create a positive image for Mongolia’s governance or political stability. 
The frequent changes at the top result in major disturbances in the country’s governance. The instability not only prevents any positive change in Mongolia’s governance, but is arguably itself a clear indication of corruption, nepotism, and factionalism. Mongolia’s Corruption Perception Index rating has not improved since 2018, and this has a direct link to the failures of all previous governments to tackle high-level corruption. 
In 2024, Mongolia’s score on the Government Effectiveness Index was -0.39 (where (-2.5 is the weakest and 2.5 is the strongest). That was not only well below the world average, but marked an additional decline from 2023, when Mongolia scored -0.36. These numbers reflect major challenges in the government’s public service quality and failed policy implementation.
What is happening in Mongolia’s domestic sphere may not be a surprise to analysts. But to the Mongolian public, every change of government sets back their opportunities and the country’s potential. 

By Bolor Lkhaajav
Bolor Lkhaajav is a researcher specializing in Mongolia, China, Russia, Japan, East Asia, and the Americas. She holds an M.A. in Asia-Pacific Studies from the University of San Francisco.

Published Date:2026-03-31