In the last several years, Mongolia’s relationship with the European Union – as opposed to purely bilateral diplomacy – has become more important to Ulaanbaatar’s engagement with Europe. The EU is stepping up its game in the Indo-Pacific as well, signing a historic free trade deal with India that is poised to alter economic flows in the region. 

The Diplomat spoke with Ambassador/Head of Delegation of the European Union to Mongolia Ina Marciulionyte on Mongolia-EU relations, collaboration projects, and what’s next the relations in a quickly changing geopolitical environment. 

Mongolia and the EU celebrated their 35th anniversary in 2024. How would you assess the past bilateral relations? What were the past shortcomings and how can relations be augmented?

Over the years, the EU and Mongolia have built a strong relation of confidence and have demonstrated solidarity on several occasions. For instance, the EU has actively supported Mongolia during the COVID-19 crisis, as well as provided emergency funding in response to the 2024 dzud and drought that affected hundreds of thousands of herders. We had done so already in 2017.

In 2017, the EU opened a diplomatic mission in Ulaanbaatar, which allowed me to meet with government ministers, Members of Parliament, local governors, and business representatives. I had also regularly met with Mongolian citizens, youth in particular, who are a large part of the Mongolia’s population. 

In addition, Mongolia also shares democracy and the acknowledgement that fundamental freedoms must be protected. These values are shared and align with the EU. 

Since 2024 – which marked 35 years of diplomatic relations – we have started exchanges on peace and security, a priority for Mongolia as for the EU. With the support of the EU Foreign Policy Instruments facility, a group of Mongolian peacekeepers was trained in Slovenia on the gender dimension of peacekeeping operations. And the EU wishes to engage more closely in the Ulaanbaatar Dialogue on Peace and Security in Northeast Asia. 

Last but not least, the Mongolia-EU cooperation projects support Mongolia in achieving Sustainable Development Goals and gaining economic and political independence in relation with its geography.

What are some of the current EU projects being implemented in Mongolia, particularly in the energy sector and renewable energy?

Our works prioritize sustainable development, economic development, and democracy in Mongolia. As part of our project, the EU currently has a significant project to implement the Forest Partnership signed by President of Mongolia Khurelsukh Ukhnaa and the president of the European Commission in 2022. The partnership aims at improving the sustainable management of forests in Mongolia and at modernizing  agriculture, especially cashmere and the meat value chain. I believe that it is urgent to reduce grazing pressure on Mongolian steppes that are in great danger of disappearing, leaving a desertified landscape instead. 

Mongolia is also hosting the COP17 of the UNCCD this coming August and is expected to showcase Mongolia’s efforts in managing rangelands and nomadic herding. 

The EU also supports Mongolia’s shift of energy production from brown to green by financing a transmission line between Sainshand and Choir in the Gobi area, together with connecting solar and wind farms to the rest of the grid. We are looking at further investments in the sector in the short term, with possibilities for generation, transmission, storage but also energy savings with better insulation. That being said, the EU works closely with EBRD and the European Investment Bank to support Mongolia’s effort in this matter.

The EU and India recently signed a free trade agreement, which has been dubbed the “mother of all deals.” What does this entail for countries like Mongolia, in terms of establishing new trade patterns and being flexible in times of uncertainties? 

The message EU and India gave with the strategic agreements they signed, including the Joint Strategic Agenda and the Security and Defense Partnership, is that they both aim at stability and predictability within the international rules-based order with the U.N. at its center. The free trade agreement gives a strong message on the importance of diversifying our supply chains. I hope it will be an inspiration for Mongolia as regards the importance of strengthening the U.N. in these difficult times. In addition, on trade, [the FTA holds lessons for] creating new opportunities for Mongolian exports without endangering local companies and fostering energy independence through investment in renewable energy. 

The zero-duty EU export scheme, called GSP+, which applies to Mongolia is not yet used to its maximum possibilities. The conclusion of an EU-Mongolia agreement on Geographical Indications would enable Mongolia to sell its cashmere at a higher price in the EU and find markets for high-quality products such as leather, honey, and other agricultural or artisanal goods. And it is really a time for Mongolia not only to speak about renewable energy but to effectively launch more projects: the potential in this immense country is bright and the energy independence is within reach. Time has come to raise the game.

Mongolia has been implementing what is known as “third neighbor” foreign policy. In your view, how can Ulaanbaatar’s multilateralism be bolstered with newer mechanisms? Considering Mongolia’s interest in establishing robust economic links with its third neighbors, what is the likelihood of new mechanisms, such as one linking the EU, India, and Mongolia? 

Mongolia does not need new mechanisms nor to reinvent the wheel: it needs investments from more countries. In my view, the main obstacles that prevent more foreign investments are the small size of Mongolia’s population, the geographical location that makes trade complicated including because of logistics, legal uncertainties on investment rules, and weaknesses of the judiciary. 

On the latter issue, the EU implements a number of projects in Mongolia. In October 2025, we have organized the first ever EU-Mongolia Business and Investment Forum that has attracted over 700 participants from Europe and Mongolia, including 70 European companies, most travelling from Europe and many for the first time. Mongolia’s Prime Minister Zandanshatar Gombojav (Editor’s note: Zandanshatar resigned in May 2026) opened the forum, and several ministers as well as Members of Parliament attended as panelists. One of the major success of the forum was that the European Investment Bank and Mongolia signed an agreement that opens the door to 1 billion euros in European investment. 

The EU has a strong, integrated mechanism for combating misinformation, disinformation, and cyber crimes. How is the EU assisting Mongolia to thwart such challenges, especially in an era of digitalism? 

Disinformation is not something new, but indeed new technologies have helped it to spread and artificial intelligence widens the foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI) toolkit. In a country like Mongolia where social media play a major role, it has become a source of concern as it may weaken democracy though election interference or biased protests coverage, and facilitate violation of fundamental rights such as the rights to personal integrity and privacy. 

Mongolia will have important elections in 2027 and 2028, and indeed one can worry about foreign interference. The EU has built up capabilities to identify, analyze and respond to FIMI since 2015 to address Russian disinformation campaigns in the context of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. For instance, the EU vs Disinfo website includes the world’s largest public archive of pro-Kremlin disinformation. 

The EU and EU member states had some projects in Mongolia already. The EU would be happy to support Mongolia in building further its counter-FIMI agenda.

You have an extensive experience working with diverse cultures. What is one thing that stands out to you about Mongolia’s culture? 

I am impressed by how authentically welcoming Mongolian people are with foreigners. I noticed that in particular during my visits in the provinces: each time, I meet with fantastic people, who are eager to show what they do and to understand what the EU does in Mongolia. 

I am also deeply touched by Mongolia’s rich cultural heritage and the attachment to the traditions of Mongolians, something that communism has tried to erase. Fortunately, traditions such as Tsagaan Sar and Naadam continue to play a central role in society, even for younger generations. But a lot of work is needed to revive this heritage and to ensure continuity. I believe that Mongolia’s third neighbors should do more cultural diplomacy.

Guest Author
Bolor Lkhaajav
Bolor Lkhaajav is a researcher specializing in Mongolia, China, Russia, Japan, East Asia, and the Americas. She holds an M.A. in Asia-Pacific Studies from the University of San Francisco.

Published Date:2026-05-06