1 CHINA’S MONGOLIAN COAL IMPORTS UP 20% IN OCT, RUSSIAN IMPORTS SLIP 18% WWW.BRECORDER.COM  PUBLISHED:2025/11/21      2 S.KOREA-MONGOLIA JOINT COMMITTEE MEETING REAFFIRMS MINERAL COOPERATION WWW.KOREAPOST.COM PUBLISHED:2025/11/21      3 TEAM MONGOLIA FROM PHYSICAL ASIA: WHERE ARE THEY NOW? WWW.MOVIEDELIC.COM PUBLISHED:2025/11/21      4 N.UCHRAL: I’LL BE LENIENT WITH THE RIGHT, STRICT WITH THE WRONG WWW.GOGO.MN PUBLISHED:2025/11/20      5 MONGOLIAN BANKING SECTOR'S NET FOREIGN ASSETS DECLINE 16.1 PCT IN OCTOBER WWW.XINHUANET.COM PUBLISHED:2025/11/20      6 ON THE TALKS OF SECRETARY-GENERAL WITH THE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF MONGOLIA WWW.ENG.SECTSCO.ORG PUBLISHED:2025/11/20      7 MONGOLIA UNIFIES TO COMBAT NEW THREATS TO SNOW LEOPARDS WWW.SNOWLEOPARD.ORG PUBLISHED:2025/11/20      8 AMERICAN-CANADIAN BILLIONAIRE OPENS $2-BILLION PLATINUM MINE IN SOUTH AFRICA WWW.AFRICA.BUSINESSINSIDER.COM PUBLISHED:2025/11/20      9 EDUCATION INFRASTRUCTURE: 12 SCHOOLS, 24 KINDERGARTENS SET FOR 2025 LAUNCH WWW.MONTSAME.MN PUBLISHED:2025/11/20      10 MONGOLIA JAPAN HOSPITAL INTRODUCES SELECTIVE LASER TRABECULOPLASTY SYSTEM WWW.AKIPRESS.COM PUBLISHED:2025/11/20      Н.УЧРАЛ: ХУУЛЬ ТОТООХ ДЭЭД БАЙГУУЛЛАГААС ХУЛГАЙН СЭЖИГТНҮҮД БИШ ХУУЛЬ ТӨРЖ БАЙХ ЁСТОЙ WWW.ITOIM.MN НИЙТЭЛСЭН:2025/11/21     ТЭРБУМ МОД САНГИЙН ТӨСЛИЙН СОНГОН ШАЛГАРУУЛАЛТ ЗАРЛАГДЛАА WWW.BILLIONTREE.MN НИЙТЭЛСЭН:2025/11/20     ОЙЖУУЛАЛТАД ХАМГИЙН ИХ ХӨРӨНГӨ ОРУУЛАЛТ ХИЙЖ БАЙГАА ХУВИЙН ХЭВШЛИЙН САНГААР ТЭРБУМ МОД САНГ НЭРЛЭЛЭЭ WWW.BILLIONTREE.MN НИЙТЭЛСЭН:2025/11/20     МОНГОЛД ГАДНЫ БАНК НЭЭХ НЬ ХЭРЭГЛЭГЧДЭД ӨГӨӨЖТЭЙ Ч ДОТООДЫН БАНК САНХҮҮГИЙН САЛБАРТ ЭРСДЭЛТЭЙ WWW.EGUUR.MN НИЙТЭЛСЭН:2025/11/20     ӨНГӨРСӨН САРД 11 УЛСЫН 240 ИРГЭНИЙГ АЛБАДАН ГАРГАЖЭЭ WWW.EGUUR.MN НИЙТЭЛСЭН:2025/11/20     Х.НЯМБААТАР: ГАНДАН ОРЧМЫГ НОГООН БАЙГУУЛАМЖ БҮХИЙ ЖИШИГ ГУДАМЖ БОЛГОН ТОХИЖУУЛНА WWW.ITOIM.MN НИЙТЭЛСЭН:2025/11/20     ОЮУ ТОЛГОЙ ТӨСЛИЙН ХУВЬ НИЙЛҮҮЛЭГЧДИЙН ЗЭЭЛИЙН ХҮҮГ БУУРУУЛАХ ХЭЛЭЛЦЭЭ ҮРГЭЛЖИЛЖ БАЙНА WWW.MONTSAME.MN НИЙТЭЛСЭН:2025/11/20     УИХ-ЫН ДАРГААР Н.УЧРАЛ СОНГОГДЛОО WWW.ITOIM.MN НИЙТЭЛСЭН:2025/11/20     "ЧИНГИС ХААН" ОДОН ХҮРТЭЖ БУЙ С.НАРАНГЭРЭЛ ГЭЖ ХЭН БЭ WWW.ITOIM.MN НИЙТЭЛСЭН:2025/11/20     ОХУ-ЫН БАНК САЛБАРАА МОНГОЛД НЭЭХ ҮҮ? WWW.NEWS.MN НИЙТЭЛСЭН:2025/11/20    

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Events

Events

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MBCC “Doing Business with Mongolia seminar and Christmas Receptiom” Dec 10. 2024 London UK MBCCI London UK Goodman LLC

NEWS

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TMK lays down new Mongolian daily gas record www.brisbanetimes.com.au

TMK Energy has smashed another gas production record, pumping out 500 cubic metres of gas a day across successive days from its Pilot Well project, part of its Gurvantes XXXV coal seam gas project in southern Mongolia.
The company is also on track to punch out yet another record with its November gas production.
TMK Energy has smashed another gas production record at its Pilot Well project, part of the company’s wider Gurvantes XXXV coal seam gas project in southern Mongolia.
TMK Energy has smashed another gas production record at its Pilot Well project, part of the company’s wider Gurvantes XXXV coal seam gas project in southern Mongolia.
November gas production to-date is averaging about 480 cubic metres of gas per day and if it continues to produce at this level, it will put October’s record average of 395 cubic metres of gas per day firmly in the shade.
The 21 per cent increase above the current record for average daily production continues the strong output of the Lucky Fox wells within the Pilot Well project, as TMK moves closer towards the desorption pressure required to significantly increase gas volumes.
The company says the path to achieving the required desorption pressure is now clearer after recent reservoir modelling, along with a review of detailed subsurface data.
‘The revised reservoir management plan is clearly having a positive impact with gas production rates increasing month on month.’
TMK Energy chief executive officer Dougal Ferguson
One of its key objectives this year has been to reduce the reservoir pressure below the critical desorption pressure, which is one reason why the company drilled additional production wells this year.
Additional wells help provide the extra pumping capacity needed to quickly reach the critical desorption pressures for the project to deliver an immediate uplift in gas production. Gas rates are anticipated to increase substantially when the objective is achieved.
TMK Energy chief executive officer Dougal Ferguson said: “Achieving the first of what we expect will be one of many production milestones, is a great effort by the technical and operations team. The revised reservoir management plan is clearly having a positive impact with gas production rates increasing month on month.”
Ferguson said water production is continuing at rates of over 500 barrels per day, which is what is required to continue depressurising the reservoir toward desorption. Dewatering helps to lower the pressure, causing the gas to desorb from the coal seams. Recent analysis confirmed the majority of the water is being produced from the coal seams, not from adjacent aquifers or non-coal bearing zones, providing a strong indication of coal seam permeability.
A technical workshop was held in Beijing last week, where the results of the recent work was reviewed by TMK’s management and J-Energy, the company’s strategic alliance partner.
Notably, the workshop validated the merits of the project and confirmed the economic potential of the project’s massive gas resource. TMK plans to use knowledge garnered from the workshop to assist with implementation of its 2026 work program and company budget, in addition to formulating a strategic plan to how best commercialise its gas when significant quantities of gas are produced.
It expects to produce gas at a commercial scale next year from the project spanning 60 square kilometres in the Nariin Sukhait area of Mongolia’s vast countryside. The company’s contingent resource (2C) of 1214 billion cubic feet (BCF) of natural gas is Mongolia’s biggest. The project currently contains a 5300BCF prospective resource across its total 8400-square-kilometre ground.
Management believes the reservoir modelling will allow it to move quickly towards a pre-feasibility study, which will include well spacings and design, predict gas drainage patterns and forecast productivity of the projects’ Lucky Fox wells.
Like many nations, Mongolia is keen to transition away from energy produced from burning coal. Coal seam gas is considered ideal as a “clean transition fuel” because it produces about half the carbon emissions produced by coal-generated electricity and burns cleaner than other fossil fuels.
With the project close to the global powerhouse that is China and its northern gas pipelines, the company is in a premier position as a future producer of a commercial scale gas supply.
TMK believes its Gurvantes XXXV project can become a regionally significant, reliable source of natural gas for both Mongolia’s domestic market and the wider regions energy infrastructure.

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Mongolian and Russian Prime Ministers hold high-level talks in Moscow www.gogo.mn

On November 18, G.Zandanshatar, Prime Minister of Mongolia, met with Russian Prime Minister Mikhail V. Mishustin, where both leaders underscored plans to deepen and strengthen the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between Mongolia and Russia across energy, industry, transport, education and humanitarian cooperation.
G.Zandanshatar highlighted Mongolia’s focus on successfully implementing major regional projects, including the proposed natural gas pipeline across Mongolian territory from Russia to China and the Mongolia–Russia–China Economic Corridor program.
Prime Minister Mishustin described Mongolia as an important strategic partner for Russia in the Asia–Pacific region, grounded in long-standing friendship, mutual trust and popular support. He also reassured that recent Russian export restrictions on fuel and gasoline do not apply to Mongolia, and that supplies of petroleum products to Mongolia will remain stable and increase in volume.
Both sides agreed to convene a regular meeting of the Mongolian–Russian Intergovernmental Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific and Technical Cooperation in Ulaanbaatar before the end of the year to advance joint projects and cooperation.

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Mongolia’s MPP Taps Uchral Nyam-Osor as Chair www.thediplomat.com

Inside Ulaanbaatar’s Buyant-Ukhaa Sports Palace, frigid November winds outside gave way to the buzz of 2,200 delegates from Mongolia’s ruling Mongolian People’s Party (MPP). The 31st MPP Congress on November 15, themed “Unity-Solutions-Development,” was not just a routine leadership vote; it was a desperate bid to rebuild trust after a year of corruption scandals, political infighting, and unmet economic promises. 
At the center of this high-stakes gathering was Uchral Nyam-Osor, Mongolia’s 38-year-old first deputy prime minister, who secured a landslide 94.95 percent of the vote to become the MPP’s new chair. Can this technocrat revive the MPP, or is his ascent just a polished effort to preserve the status quo? 
For Mongolia, a nation of 3.5 million caught between the geopolitical heft of China and Russia, the MPP’s choice carries outsized consequences. The party has governed almost without interruption since 2016, but its legitimacy has crumbled in recent years. A 2025 coal reserve corruption scandal – echoing the 2022 Tavan Tolgoi mine theft that cost the state billions – toppled former parliamentary speaker Amarbayasgalan Dashzegve, while ex-Prime Minister Oyun-Erdene Luvsannamsrai resigned in June amid protests over elite excess. By the time the party congress convened, MPP approval ratings had plummeted below 30 percent, and the opposition Democratic Party (DP) was gaining ground with its anti-graft messaging. 
Uchral, with his “not too bad” reputation and track record in digital policy and economic diplomacy, emerged as the MPP’s “reset candidate” – a figure who could bridge factional divides while convincing voters the party was serious about change. But as delegates cheered his victory, skeptics wondered: Was this a genuine break with the past, or just another act in the MPP’s cycle of crisis and cosmetic reform?
The MPP’s Perilous Calculus: Why Uchral, Why Now?
To understand Uchral’s selection, one must first grasp the MPP’s existential crisis in 2025. The party’s troubles began in early 2025, when viral videos showed Oyun-Erdene’s son’s girlfriend flaunting luxury cars and designer handbags – an insult to Mongolians struggling with 9.2 percent inflation and 27.1 percent poverty. Protests erupted in Ulaanbaatar, and Oyun-Erdene lost a no-confidence vote in June, collapsing the MPP’s coalition with the DP. 
His replacement, veteran politician Zandanshatar Gombojav, fared little better: By September and October early, he was locked in a feud with Amarbayasgalan, the parliamentary speaker and MPP chairman at the time, over allegations that Amarbayasgalan had siphoned Tavan tolgoi state coal reserves. Amarbayasgalan resigned, and Zandanshatar survived a no-confidence vote in the legislature only via a constitutional court intervention. 
By November, the MPP’s leadership was in shambles. The party’s old guard – represented by Zandanshatar and former officials – was tainted by scandal, while younger members were demanding a purge of entrenched interests. Uchral emerged as the perfect compromise. 
A parliamentarian since 2016, Uchral’s ascent included roles as minister of digital development and communications (2022-2024), chief cabinet secretary (2024-2025), and first deputy prime minister since June 2025. Importantly, unlike his predecessors, he has no ties to the coal sector, the epicenter of Mongolia’s corruption. His degrees in management and humanities from Ikh Zasag University – co-founded by his family – and international stints in Russia and Malaysia (reportedly also some U.K. based programs) equip him to navigate Mongolia’s Eurasian crossroads while courting “third neighbor” ties with the West.
Uchral’s dossier showcases pragmatic triumphs. As digital minister, he championed the “Chinggis Sat” project, partnering with SpaceX and France’s Thales Alenia Space for a 2027 satellite launch to provide remote steppes with broadband access, bolstering e-governance and disaster resilience. Economically, he brokered a 2025 Eurasian Economic Union trade pact – slashing tariffs on 367 goods to eye $3 billion in bilateral flows – and a $1.6 billion uranium deal with Orano Mining at Zuuvch-Ovoo, promising hundreds of jobs and revenue diversification from coal’s chokehold.
But the seeds of controversy are these as well. His family’s Ikh Zasag conglomerate links to the Khunnu Group invite murmurs. A 2023 misstep – ramming a vague “Social Media Human Rights Protection Law” through parliament in 72 hours, decried as a censorship ploy – earned a presidential veto and international rebuke, revealing Uchral’s susceptibility to party pressures on freedoms. He now spins the maligned law as a “lesson in humility,” but it underscored the potential clash between his reformist facade and entrenched loyalties.
The MPP’s decision to back Uchral was also a nod to generational change. At 38, he is the youngest MPP chairman in decades, a contrast to the party’s gerontocratic old guard. His “E-4 Strategy,” unveiled at the congress to streamline party operations, resonated with younger delegates: Efficiency (digitalizing party processes), Ethics (anti-corruption audits and a “whistleblower protection” system), Empowerment (training young candidates), and Equity (gender quotas and research-driven elections). For the MPP’s leadership, Uchral was the obvious choice to revamp the party’s brand. 
What’s Next for Uchral? Power, Limits, and the Presidency Question
Uchral’s victory raises a pressing question: Will he hold only the MPP chairmanship, or seek higher office, like the speaker or prime minister posts? For now, the answer points to a careful balancing act. The MPP has opted for a “dual leadership” model: Zandanshatar remains prime minister, while Uchral leads the party – a arrangement designed to appease both the “stability faction” (older elites wary of rapid change) and the “development faction” (younger, urban professionals who backed Uchral). This division of labor is intentional: Zandanshatar manages day-to-day governance, while Uchral shapes the MPP’s electoral strategy ahead of the 2027 presidential election and 2028 parliamentary vote. 
The prime minister’s office, however, may not be off the table forever. If Zandanshatar stumbles – whether over economic missteps or fresh corruption allegations – Uchral could step in. Zandanshatar’s role in implementing Mongolia’s 2026-2030 “New Trust-Action Innovation” development plan (which aims for 6 percent annual GDP growth and a top-50 global competitiveness ranking) will be a key test. Success there – creating jobs, curbing inflation, and diversifying beyond mining – could make him indispensable.
As for the presidency, Mongolia’s constitution requires presidential candidates to be at least 50 years old. For now, the MPP’s presidential hopefuls are likely to be older figures: Zandanshatar (55), Sandag Byambatsogt (52, the current government chief of staff), and others. Uchral’s task is to build the MPP’s 2027’s electoral fortunes so that when he is eligible, the party is strong enough to back him.
Uchral could also face opposition from MPP’s inner circle, the “board of elders” (Political Committee) that wields informal power. Their support for Uchral is conditional. They see him as a tool to rebuild the party’s brand, but they will not tolerate reforms that threaten their interests. Uchral’s E-4 Strategy, for example, includes term limits for senior party officials – a direct challenge to elders who have held power for decades. If he pushes too hard, the old guard could turn on him. 
“The elders gave Uchral a leash,” said one Mongolian analyst on condition of anonymity to speak frankly. “It’s long enough to let him look like a reformer, but short enough to yank him back if he crosses a line.”
Why the Heavyweights Sat Out: Factional Deals and Calculated Retreats 
Uchral’s landslide victory raised a question: Where were the MPP’s other heavyweights? The answer lies in the MPP’s factional politics – and the quiet deals that preceded the congress. 
Figures like Byambatsogt Sandag (51, a key organizer of the congress, current chief cabinet secretary), Enkhbayar Jadamba (52, minister of agriculture and light industry), Temuulen Ganzorig (44, a member of parliament) and Amarsaikhan Sainbuyan (52, former deputy prime minister) all declined to run. Uchral’s lone challenger, Lkhagvajav Batbold  – a mid-tier party organizer and current president of the Mongolian National Chamber of Commerce and Industry (MNCCI) with no factional backing – never stood a chance. 
Whispers in Ulaanbaatar’s coffee houses suggest MPP elders sidelined more formidable rivals – including Zandanshatar loyalists and DP defectors – to ensure Uchral’s victory. “This wasn’t an election,” said the analyst. “It was a coronation. The MPP wanted a ‘clean’ face, so they cleared the field.”
Byambatsogt, a close ally of Zandanshatar, had little incentive to challenge Uchral. The two have worked closely on the EAEU trade deal and the Orano uranium project, and Byambatsogt’s role as government chief of staff gives him influence over policy implementation. Running and losing would have weakened him; instead, he threw his support behind Uchral, securing his place in the new leadership. Enkhbayar, meanwhile, may lack a strong faction. His portfolio (security, agriculture and light industry) is less high-profile than Uchral’s economic and digital roles, and he has no clear base of support among delegates. For him, sitting out was a pragmatic choice to avoid embarrassment. 
For younger potential challengers like parliamentarian Temuulen, the risks of running outweighed the rewards. With Uchral’s nomination backed by both the Standing Committee and key factional leaders, a challenge would have been a futile gesture, likely resulting in political marginalization. The MPP’s history of punishing dissenters – exemplified by its expulsion of the Democratic Party from the governing coalition in June – has created a culture of compliance, where loyalty to the party line is prioritized over ideological differences.
Amarsaikhan, a former Ulaanbaatar mayor and former deputy prime minister, is still recovering from a scandal over mismanaged city and national emergency funds during the pandemic. He lacks the credibility to challenge Uchral, so he opted to bide his time. 
The most puzzling absence, then, was Nyambaatar Khishgee, Ulaanbaatar’s current mayor, who publicly endorsed Uchral. Nyambaatar, 47, has ambitions of his own, but he recognized that Uchral had the elders’ backing. Running against him would have split the party’s urban vote – and damaged Nyambaatar’s chances in future elections. 
In short, the MPP’s old guard coordinated to clear the field for Uchral. They wanted a unified front to show voters the party was no longer divided. For the heavyweights, sitting out of this month’s race was not a sign of weakness – it was a calculated move to protect their own power while letting Uchral take the lead on reform.
The Risks Ahead: Reform or Façade? 
Uchral’s chairmanship begins with promise, but peril lurks. The MPP’s “unity” is fragile: the stability faction and development faction agree on little beyond the need to win elections. Uchral’s reforms – term limits, digital transparency, anti-corruption audits – will clash with the elders’ desire to hold onto power. If he waters down his proposals to keep the peace, he risks losing the trust of young voters. If he pushes too hard, he could split the party. 
The economy, too, is a minefield. Mongolia’s growth relies on mining (80 percent of exports), making it vulnerable to global commodity price swings. The Orano uranium project (set to start production in 2028) and EAEU trade deal are steps toward diversification, but they will take years to bear fruit. 
Long-existing challenges continue to hinder progress. Corruption has scared off foreign investment in clean energy. The Oyu Tolgoi copper-gold mine – discovered in 2001 and ramping up underground production since 2023 – is projected to contribute up to 30 percent of Mongolia’s GDP by 2030 but has faced criticism for high capital expenditures and limited short-term fiscal returns. Uchral has avoided calling for a renegotiation, fearing it would damage Mongolia’s investment reputation – a pragmatic choice that risks alienating rural voters.
In the short term, Uchral must implement the 2026 budget, passed by parliament on November 12. It includes popular measures – raising teachers’ salaries by 742,000 Mongolian tugrik, to 2.8 million tugrik annually, plus a 15 percent raise for healthcare workers, and 8.6–20 percent boosts to pensions and social subsidies. But these gains are funded by deep cuts: 990.169 billion tugrik in recurrent expenditure and 361.1382 billion tugrik in capital expenditure, including 50 percent reductions to new infrastructure projects and road construction.
Geopolitics adds another layer of risk. Mongolia’s “third neighbor” strategy hinges on balancing China (its top trade partner), Russia (a key energy supplier), and the West (a source of investment and soft power). Uchral’s role in the Power of Siberia 2 gas pipeline negotiations will test this balance. The pipeline could bring Mongolia hundreds of millions of dollars annually in transit fees, but it also deepens reliance on Russia and China, potentially alienating the West. 
The biggest risk, however, is that Uchral’s reform agenda becomes a façade. The MPP has promised anti-corruption crackdowns before, only to target low-level officials while protecting the elite. If Uchral fails to prosecute senior figures linked to the coal scandals, public trust will collapse. “The Mongolian people have heard ‘reform’ so many times they’re cynical,” said the analyst. “Uchral needs to put people in jail – real people, not scapegoats – or he’ll be just another MPP politician.” 
As the Buyant-Ukhaa Sports Palace emptied on November 16, Uchral stood at the center of Mongolia’s political future. His chairmanship is a gamble for the MPP: a bet that a young, “clean” technocrat can revive a party mired in scandal. For Mongolia, it is a chance to break free from the cycle of resource dependency and corruption that has held it back. 
Uchral’s success will depend on two things: his ability to outmaneuver the MPP’s old guard and his willingness to deliver tangible change. If he can implement his E-4 Strategy, grow the economy beyond mining, and hold the elite accountable, he could reshape Mongolia’s political landscape. If not, the MPP’s decline will continue – and Mongolia may face a future of political instability. 
Sumiya Chuluunbaatar
Sumiya Chuluunbaatar is an economist and expert on international issues. Sumiya is currently working as a non-resident fellow at the Institute of International Studies, Mongolian Academy of Sciences.

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Prime Minister, Rio Tinto Copper Chief Hold Talks on Oyu Tolgoi www.montsame.mn

Prime Minister of Mongolia Zandanshatar Gombojav met with Katie Jackson, Chief Executive of Copper at Rio Tinto, on November 17, 2025, to discuss optimizing Mongolia’s value proposition in the Oyu Tolgoi copper mining operation.
The meeting followed a virtual consultation held on November 11, during which both parties exchanged views on maximizing Mongolia’s economic stake in the project. Ms. Jackson’s visit to Mongolia enabled direct dialogue, helping to consolidate negotiating positions and foster mutual understanding.
During the discussions, both parties reiterated their shared commitment to reducing interest rates and management fees, which are key financial levers for improving Mongolia’s economic returns from the Oyu Tolgoi project. The bilateral working group has already reached an agreement in principle to lower the interest rate.
However, Prime Minister Zandanshatar underscored that the current management fee remains disproportionately high, characterizing the prevailing calculation methodology as inequitable and economically suboptimal for Mongolia. PM emphasized the importance of recalibrating the fee structure to reflect international benchmarks and prevailing market dynamics.
The Prime Minister further emphasized the critical importance of transparency in Oyu Tolgoi’s financial reporting and procurement practices, advocating for fair, open, and accountable operations as a foundation for sustainable, long-term collaboration. In response, Ms. Jackson reaffirmed Rio Tinto’s commitment to working constructively and expeditiously with the Government of Mongolia to achieve mutually beneficial outcomes through the ongoing negotiation process.

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Waste-to-Energy Plant to Generate 35 MW Annually www.montsame.mn

The planned “Waste-to-Energy Plant” will operate 8,000 hours per year and supply 35 megawatts of electric power once commissioned.
The Governor’s Office of the Capital City of Ulaanbaatar stated that it signed the Public-Private Partnership (PPP) agreement for building the facility last month, marking one of the first major projects to be implemented under the Law on Public-Private Partnership. Renshou Sichuan LLC was selected as the project contractor. The plant, designed to incinerate 1,500 tonnes of waste per day, will be constructed on a 10-hectare site in Moringiin Davaa, 12th khoroo of Khan-Uul District. The project represents an investment of USD 206.5 million. Construction will take 30 months, after which the facility will be transferred to the Government after a 28-year operating period.
Currently, only 11.4 percent of waste delivered to Ulaanbaatar’s three central landfill sites is recycled, while 88.6 percent is buried. Landfilling releases high levels of methane gas and poses significant environmental risks. The new facility will introduce advanced waste-to-energy technology that eliminates the need for landfilling by incinerating waste to generate electricity. Over the past few years, the concept of urban mining has been expanding globally, referring to the practice of extracting previously buried waste, incinerating it for energy production, and fully restoring affected ecosystems.
The project carries major environmental significance for Mongolia. The plant will incinerate not only Ulaanbaatar’s municipal waste but also waste from Zuunmod, Altanbulag, and Sergelen soums in Tuv aimag, free of charge. Additionally, waste accumulated over the past decade at the Ulaanchuluut and Tsagaandavaa landfill sites will be excavated and incinerated, allowing the surrounding environment to be fully restored.

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Mongolia's GDP up 5.9 pct in Q3 www.xinhuanet.com

Mongolia's gross domestic product (GDP) grew 5.9 percent year on year in the third quarter of 2025, official data released by the country's National Statistics Office (NSO) showed Monday.
The Asian country's GDP totaled 60.1 trillion Mongolian tugriks (16.8 billion U.S. dollars) in the January-September period, and the growth was mainly attributed to good performance in the agricultural, manufacturing, construction and mining sectors, the NSO said.
Mongolia's GDP grew 5.6 percent in the first half of 2025, earlier data showed.
Meanwhile, the Asian Development Bank (ADB) has predicted that Mongolia's economy is expected to grow at 5.7 percent in both 2025 and 2026.
According to the ADB, Mongolia's economic growth is expected to be driven this year by a recovery in livestock numbers and ramp-up of the Oyu Tolgoi underground mine.

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Ambassador Remarks for 250th Birthday of the U.S. Marine Corps www.xinhuanet.com

Ladies and Gentlemen, distinguished guests, Excellencies, my fellow Ambassadors and Heads of Mission, members the diplomatic corps, officers and enlisted of the United States, Mongolia, and our allied armed forces, welcome.
Happy Birthday Marines!  Two hundred and fifty years young.  I look at the table here where our Marine Security Guard Detachment are all seated, looking mighty sharp in their dress blues.  You guys don’t look a day over two hundred.  I’m always happy to come to a Marine Birthday Cake Cutting Ceremony because I’m still younger than the oldest Marine in the room tonight, Major James Lobb.  But someday, that will catch up to me.  I want to ask every Marine in this room to stand up so we can applaud you on your birthday.
I do hope that tonight, like every Marine Birthday Ball we’ve attended in the past, will be an evening of fun and friendship, not the least to pay tribute to this group of warriors who are also our colleagues and friends at the U.S. Embassy.  Since it was Veterans Day in the U.S. earlier this week – if you are currently serving or have served – in uniform, in the service of the United States, Mongolia, or any of our allies, please also stand up and be recognized.  Thank you all for your service.  As we do every year this month with our allies, we honor those who have served in uniform, we also remember the fallen who paid the ultimate sacrifice for our freedom.  “They shall not grow old, as we that are left grow old.  At the going down of the sun and in the morning, we will remember them.”
The United States Marine Corps was born 250 years ago, in a tavern in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.  Captain Samuel Nicholas was commissioned to raise two battalions of Continental Marines to serve as landing forces for the Continental Navy, so he set up his recruiting headquarters at a popular bar called the Tun Tavern.
We gather today not just to offer heartfelt birthday wishes, but to speak of a force that is less an organization and more a testament to the strength of human character.  A force, in which regular men and women, from all walks of life, from all 50 states across our Union, are transformed into Marines.  Marines who master their fears, believe in themselves, and follow a warrior ethos that pushes the limits of what human beings can do in the face of overwhelming death and danger.  That is the essence of the United States Marine Corps, and its traditions and values they embody, that continue unbroken and unchanged for 250 years.
There are many fine fighting forces in the world, but the Marines are forged through intense discipline, constant training, and fierce concentration to exist on a level of their own.  And at that level, these men and women, by simply stepping forward and volunteering, have chosen a harder path. They don’t seek comfort; they seek to better themselves through discomfort. They don’t fear the difficult; they embrace the challenge to make possible the impossible. From the Halls of Montezuma to the shores of Tripoli, from Belleau Wood to Iwo Jima, from the frozen Chosin to the deserts of Fallujah, the Marine Corps has written its history in the language of its blood. That’s why when Marines make the rank of corporal, they earn the right to wear the blood stripe along their pantleg.  To symbolize the blood that Marines shed in the Battle of Chapultepec in 1847.
We praise them today not just for their battles that they have won, but for their character, their discipline, and their selfless devotion to duty. They are the few, the proud, and they stand as a shield for the innocent, for our democracy, and our way of life.
And for us here tonight, and in hundreds of U.S. diplomatic facilities around the world, we celebrate the indispensable role that Marines play in American diplomacy.  The partnership between the Marines and the U.S. diplomatic service dates to the earliest days of our Republic, with Marines escorting American consular officers and diplomats, defending our Posts and personnel, and protecting our interests.  For 77 years, since 1948, Marine Security Guards have stood side-by-side with State Department colleagues during periods of calm and crisis.  Today, our more than 1,900 Marine Security Guards carry the proud tradition of serving our Nation as Ambassadors in Blue.  Serving in the Marine Security Guard program is competitive in the Marine Corps, but it isn’t always about living in posh capitals and drinking champaign at cocktail parties.  MSGs have responded to numerous attacks and crises at U.S. embassies and consulates around the world. In many cases, they were the first line of defense, exhibiting professionalism and courage under fire.  And the places where MSGs were present and responded to attacks are numerous:  The 1968 Tet Offensive Attack and 1975 evacuation of the U.S. Embassy in Saigon, Vietnam; the siege on the U.S. Embassy in Tehran, Iran in 1979; the attack on the U.S Embassy in Islamabad, Pakistan that same year. The bombing of the U.S. Embassy in Beirut, Lebanon in 1983; the bombings of the U.S. Embassies in Nairobi, Kenya and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania in 1998.  The slaughter of five off-duty Marine guards in San Salvador, El Salvador in 1985; the attack on the U.S. diplomatic mission in Benghazi, Libya in 2012; the attack on the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad, Iraq in 2019.   
And just today, just a few hours ago, we received news of Marines continuing to protect our embassy and diplomatic personnel in Port-au-Prince, Haiti from armed gangs shooting at us over the past few days.
When the call comes, when the hour is darkest, America knows where to look. They look for the eagle, globe, and anchor. America’s 911 force.  They look for those who run toward the sound of the guns.
The heroism and bravery of Marines remind us that courage is not the absence of fear, but the triumph over it.
From these terrible moments of death and destruction, also come inspiring stories of ordinary Marines performing extraordinary acts of courage and devotion to duty. Like Corporal Charles McMahon and Lance Corporal Darwin Judge, who were the last two U.S. service members killed in action during the Vietnam War on April 29, 1975, while serving as Marine Security Guards at the U.S. Embassy in Saigon.  As North Vietnamese forces closed in on Saigon, Cpl. McMahon and LCpl. Judge were assigned to the Tan Son Nhut Air Base to maintain security and assist with the final, desperate evacuation efforts of U.S. embassy personnel and American citizens.
Their post came under heavy artillery barrage. Amid the chaos and bombardment, they remained at their posts, protecting the airfield and the people waiting to be evacuated. It was during this barrage that both men were killed by a rocket attack.
Then there’s the story of Corporal Robert V. McMaugh, a Marine Security Guard assigned to the U.S. Embassy in Beirut, Lebanon. On April 18, 1983, a van packed with 2,000 pounds of explosives was driven into the Embassy. Cpl. McMaugh was the Marine standing watch at “Post 1,” the main entrance, and the point of initial impact.
As the suicide bomber accelerated toward the building, Cpl. McMaugh did not flee. He stayed at his position, attempting to stop the vehicle and sound the alarm. He was last seen trying to lock the gate and activate the crash bar, actions that demonstrated exceptional bravery and an unswerving commitment to his duty to protect the lives inside the embassy.
The ensuing explosion was devastating, killing 17 Americans, including Cpl. McMaugh and several other U.S. service members and civilians, and dozens of Lebanese citizens.
These Marines’ commitment to their duty and the protection of others in the face of direct enemy attacks embodies the selfless spirit of the Marine Corps.
I’m selecting just a few stories to tell tonight for the sake of brevity, but there are countless stories like these waiting to be told.  Stories of sacrifice and courage, stories of duty, honor, and commitment.  G.K. Chesterton once said, “a true warrior fights not because he hates what is in front of him, but because he loves what is behind him.”  The Marines I just described to you paid the ultimate sacrifice because they were protecting those behind them.  And protecting their fellow Marines to their right and to their left.  And for them and the Marines who have paid with their lives since the founding of the Corps, we owe them an eternal debt of gratitude.
We are fortunate to have an outstanding group of Marines here at the U.S. Embassy in Ulaanbaatar who personify the best of the Marine Corps.  This Marine Security Guard Detachment is small, but they pack a mighty punch.  They play an oversized role in the life and work of our embassy family.  They are more than just our protectors; they are important members of our community.  They are among the first people we see when we enter the chancery and the last ones to whom we say goodbye when we leave for the day.  They are our neighbors and our friends, and we couldn’t ask for better group of Marines.
So thank you SSgt Oliver, Sgt. Truong, Cpl. Moreno, Cpl. Rowland, LCpl. Aguilar, LCpl. Garcia, on behalf of the U.S. Embassy, for everything that you do to keep us safe.  You are away from your families.  Away from the creature comforts of home, yet you strive every day to maintain the highest standard of the U.S. Marines Corps in our Embassy.  We are all grateful for what you bring to enrich our lives and to keep us safe.  Let’s give them all a round of applause.
Army General George S. Patton once said: “The Marines I have seen around the world have the cleanest bodies, the filthiest minds, the highest morale, and the lowest morals of any group of animals I have ever seen. Thank God for the United States Marine Corps!”  He sums up why the Marines are in a class of their own.  Why their fighting spirit makes them an elite, and why stories of their courage and bravery will live on in the annals of American history and inspire future generations of Americans to serve.  Marines who have come and gone, and those who have paid the ultimate sacrifice will live on in the pantheon of America’s heroes.  We pray for the health and safety of our Marines here and everywhere in the world where they are serving.  God Bless our Soldiers, Sailors, Marines, Airmen, Guardians, and all who serve in our Nation’s cloth.  May God Bless Mongolia, God Bless the United States of America, and May God Continue to Bless and Protect the United States Marine Corps.  Happy Birthday, Devil Dogs.  Semper Fidelis.

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Mongolia’s Foreign Population Exceeds 37,000 www.montsame.mn

 As of October 31, 2025, 37,939 foreign nationals from 132 countries are registered to reside in Mongolia for official or private purposes.
By nationality, the largest groups are from the People’s Republic of China (24,626), the Russian Federation (2,720), the Republic of Korea (1,594), and the United States (1,004), with 7,995 citizens from other countries.
Under Article 27.4 of the Law of Mongolia on the Legal Status of Foreign Nationals, the number of foreign nationals residing in Mongolia for private purposes must not exceed three percent of the country’s total population, with a one-percent cap per single nationality. Based on Mongolia’s current population, this allows up to 106,345 foreign residents, with a maximum of 35,000 from any one country. Currently, foreign residents living for private purposes make up 1.05 percent of the population.
Of the total foreign residents, 537 are in Mongolia for official purposes, 21,723 are employed, 5,087 are studying, 1,769 are under immigration status, and 141 are residing for religious purposes. Additionally, 5,248 foreigners are living in Mongolia for investment, while 2,431 are present for family reasons.
Over the past five years, the number of foreign nationals with official or private residence permits in Mongolia has increased by 23,000.AAA

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Copper, Power, Peril: Mongolia On The Global Chessboard – OpEd www.eurasiareview.com

Beneath Mongolia’s barren landscape lies an extraordinary treasure worth more than a trillion dollars—one of the richest copper deposits in the world. It was supposed to be a groundbreaking achievement of modern technology. Instead, it has become a geopolitical battleground, caught between a global mining giant and a political establishment so close to the United States that it claimed Mongolia’s sovereignty was at risk due to China’s high demand for copper.
When Rio Tinto, the British-Australian mining giant and the world’s second-largest metals company, began digging beneath the sands of Mongolia’s Gobi Desert, the project was envisioned as a showcase of twenty-first-century mining: vast underground networks, advanced automation, and a long-term wager on the world’s green transition. Instead, Oyu Tolgoi has come to represent something more complex — a demonstration of how political geography can reshape even the most sophisticated industrial ventures. To see the mine, its operations, and the surrounding landscape, watch my video on YouTube.
A trillion-dollar promise buried in sand
More than a kilometre beneath the Gobi Desert lies one of the richest known copper deposits on Earth. Oyu Tolgoi — “Turquoise Hill” in Mongolian — contains an estimated 30 million tonnes of copper, along with significant reserves of gold and silver. At current prices, its total value could exceed US$1 trillion over the mine’s lifetime.
Rio Tinto, through its subsidiary Turquoise Hill Resources, began developing the site in partnership with the Mongolian government in the late 2000s. By 2025, total investment had surpassed US$15 billion, making Oyu Tolgoi one of the world’s largest mining undertakings.
Reaching the ore was an engineering feat in itself. The deposit lies roughly 1,300 metres underground — about the height of four Eiffel Towers stacked vertically. To access it, Rio Tinto built shafts, tunnels, ventilation systems, a power grid, roads, housing, and processing facilities — effectively constructing a city beneath the desert. Summer temperatures exceed 40°C; winters plunge below –30°C. Every piece of machinery must travel thousands of kilometres over land.
Yet for all the technical achievement, the project’s true challenges have unfolded above ground.
Geography meets geopolitics
At first glance, Oyu Tolgoi seemed perfectly positioned for profit. Mongolia borders China, which consumes nearly half the world’s copper — essential for electric vehicles, wind turbines, and high-speed rail. Proximity promised short transport routes, low logistics costs, and a ready market.
But Mongolia’s leaders have long resisted this simple economic logic. Wedged between China and Russia, the country has adopted a so-called “Third Neighbor Policy,” cultivating relationships with powerful states such as the United States and Japan — countries that do not have friendly ties with Mongolia’s immediate neighbours, potentially generating tension.
This is where the crisis emerges. Mongolia urgently needs revenue from the mine, yet its leaders claim that deepening reliance on China risks turning the country into an economic satellite, even though China remains the only viable market for its copper. Ironically, China has shown little inclination to pressure Mongolia into speeding up the project or selling copper to Chinese buyers — a reality that undermines Ulaanbaatar’s warnings and suggests that its mining strategy may be both misjudged and self-destructive.
In the steppes of Mongolia, author Felix Abt visits local herdsmen whose living standards could rise if the nearby mining project begins to flourish.
In the steppes of Mongolia, author Felix Abt visits local herdsmen whose living standards could rise if the nearby mining project begins to flourish.
This precarious situation has shaped the fate of Oyu Tolgoi. While Mongolia urgently needs the revenue from the mine—mining accounts for almost a quarter of GDP—it refuses to become “dependent on Beijing.” Decisions that make economic sense therefore often conflict with the political instincts of the Mongolian elite. 
Policy friction in Ulaanbaatar
In 2018, Mongolia moved to tighten national control over strategic projects. It required Oyu Tolgoi to source electricity domestically instead of relying indefinitely on imports from China. The government also pushed for more domestic processing of copper concentrate before export, hoping to retain more value within Mongolia.
These measures reflected what many citizens viewed as economic nationalism, yet they carried steep costs. Building power plants in the Gobi requires billions of dollars; constructing a smelter demands water and infrastructure the desert simply lacks. What began as a US$5.3 billion underground expansion ballooned far beyond its initial budget and schedule.
Tensions over financing, transparency, and cost overruns triggered repeated disputes between Rio Tinto and the Mongolian government. The conflict culminated in a 2022 restructuring: Mongolia waived certain debt claims, Rio Tinto increased its financial commitments, and the government gained greater oversight. In 2023, Rio Tinto acquired full ownership of Turquoise Hill, raising its stake in Oyu Tolgoi to 66%, with the remaining 34% held by state-owned Erdenes Oyu Tolgoi.
The project remains essential for both sides — but on terms that are continuously being renegotiated.
A landlocked reality
Mongolia’s geography makes independence costly. The country is completely landlocked, with more than 85% of its exports going to China, mainly coal, copper, and other raw materials. Alternatives via Russia are severely limited by Western sanctions and limited infrastructure.
Efforts to build new rail routes into Central Asia or develop domestic smelting capacity face high capital requirements and scarce water. For now, nearly all of Oyu Tolgoi’s output is supposed to travel south to China for processing. Despite recurring political rhetoric about diversification, the physical trade map remains stubbornly one-directional.
This dependence illustrates the constraints of sovereignty when logistics are dictated by geography. Mongolia’s leaders may wish to lessen reliance on Beijing, but in practice, the country’s economic and physical networks bind it closely to China.
The broader lesson for global business
Oyu Tolgoi’s struggles reflect a broader global shift. The era when companies could treat geopolitics as a secondary consideration is over. From critical minerals to semiconductors, major industrial projects are now shaped as much by national strategy as by global supply chains — and by the sanctions regimes enforced by the United States and its allies.
Rio Tinto’s experience shows that mastering engineering is no longer sufficient. Understanding domestic politics, public sentiment, and international alignments is now just as essential as technical competence. For investors, the Mongolian case highlights how resource nationalism and strategic diversification can be both legitimate political objectives and significant commercial obstacles.
A future still in flux
Rio Tinto’s 2024 annual report shows consolidated copper production from Oyu Tolgoi of 697 kt in 2024, up from 620 kt in 2023, demonstrating the mine’s increasing operational strength. However, recent public reports do not name Chinese smelters or other buyers for 2023–2024 shipments, nor do they provide audited contracts confirming sales to Chinese customers. Although the mine is operational, the overall economic situation remains unclear and its long-term potential is far from being fully realized.
In the heart of the desert, the copper stands as a symbol of future prosperity. Yet beneath the surface, it continues to fuel a deeper contest over power, American geopolitical influence, and the unforgiving constraints of geography. By late 2025, Oyu Tolgoi’s underground production had begun to ramp up, and long-term demand — driven by the global green transition — remained stable. Rio Tinto continues negotiating with Ulaanbaatar over infrastructure, taxation, and power supply. Mongolia, for its part, faces a self-imposed dilemma: how to satisfy foreign geopolitical partners without jeopardizing economic growth.
In the Gobi Desert, the copper still gleams below ground. But above it, the real struggle is over influence, autonomy, and trust — and over who ultimately benefits when global ambition confronts the unyielding realities of geography, the sheer pull of demand from Mongolia’s immediate neighbours, and the absence of viable alternatives beyond them.
BY
Felix Abt
Felix Abt is a Vietnam-based entrepreneur, author (felixabt.substack.com) and travel blogger (youtube.com/@lixplore)

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Oyu Tolgoi to rehabilitate all degraded and abandoned areas due to irresponsible mining in Selenge province by 2027 www.gogo.mn

Oyu Tolgoi has completed land rehabilitation work equivalent to planting 12 million trees on 600 hectares of land near the Tsagaan Zur River in Khuder soum, Selenge province, an area that had been degraded and left abandoned for many years as a result of irresponsible mining activities. The rehabilitated area has been officially handed over to the Department of Environment, Selenge province. 
This land rehabilitation was financed by Oyu Tolgoi under the policy framework of the Ministry of Environment and Climate Change and implemented by local companies based in Selenge province. Local companies “Jinjii Mining” LLC restored 400 hectares and “Bugant Nandin” LLC rehabilitated 200 hectares of land respectively. The companies restored the natural soil structure and landscape of the damaged land, creating conditions for biological rehabilitation and laying the foundation for the recovery of the Tsagaan Zur River basin’s natural state. 
J.Bayarzaya, Oyu Tolgoi Environmental Specialist noted: 
“The Tsagaan Zur River lies within forest and water reserves and has a unique natural landscape. Restoring the degraded land has improved the river’s flow, soil structure, and vegetation cover, thereby creating vital conditions for enhancing biodiversity and ecological balance in the area.” 
Z. Tuvshintugs, Head of the Department of Environment in Selenge province emphasized: “This area had damaged from years of gold mining that altered the river’s course and disrupted the ecosystem. Now the river channel has returned to its original form, pits have been filled, and the terrain has been leveled. Small ponds and wetlands have formed, providing a new habitat for microfauna and vegetation to recover.” 
The Tsagaan Zur River has since been designated as a locally protected area, with strong potential to develop into eco-tourism and seasonal hunting. Locals will also have opportunities to improve their livelihoods through tree planting and fruit farming initiatives in the area. 
Oyu Tolgoi has previously rehabilitated 400 hectares in the Yalbag Valley of Yeruu soum, Selenge province, and 215 hectares in Sharyn Gol soum, Darkhan-Uul province — both areas impacted by irresponsible mining. Through our “100 Million Trees for the Future” program, we aim to rehabilitate all degraded and abandoned areas due to irresponsible mining in Selenge province by 2027. Over the past three years between 2022 and 2025, we have planted and nurtured a total of 35.1 million trees, both directly and through offset initiatives under this program.

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