Events
| Name | organizer | Where |
|---|---|---|
| MBCC “Doing Business with Mongolia seminar and Christmas Receptiom” Dec 10. 2024 London UK | MBCCI | London UK Goodman LLC |
NEWS
Consolidating Parliamentary Democracy in Mongolia www.verfassungsblog.de
In May 2025, Mongolia witnessed peaceful youth-led protests in Sukhbaatar Square reacting to the Government’s handling of corruption and a perceived lack of transparency. The demonstration led to the Government’s resignation after a failed vote of confidence. Such governmental crises are not unprecedented in Mongolia, but the reaction to it is: the current political episode stands for an emerging constitutional culture in which civil society is reclaiming constitutional mechanisms for a more participatory and responsive democratic system.
Mongolia’s constitutional system
Mongolia’s current political regime emerged from the peaceful democratic revolution that unfolded at the end of the 1980s, when the new generations mobilized to demand change. Following the 1924 Constitution, which was the first pro-communist constitution proclaiming the independence of Mongolia – postulating that Mongolia is a free country and would remain independent from other powers – the country was ruled under the socialist constitutions of 1940 and 1960. This transition culminated in the 1992 Constitution, which scholars often describe as representing a move towards liberal democracy, establishing a parliamentary republic and the protection of fundamental rights. Within the new regime, the government is politically accountable to Parliament and the President is directly elected. The system could thus be defined as a hybrid semi-presidential regime. Mongolian scholars, however, emphasize its predominantly parliamentary nature. The President holds limited autonomous powers, mostly of influence rather than of decision-making, while real governing authority rests with the State Great Khural (unicameral Parliament) and the Government of Mongolia. Notably, the lack of dissolution power – such as the one held by the French President – renders the Mongolian President “somewhat weaker than the French” (p. 67).
Under Articles 38 and 39 of the 1992 Mongolian Constitution, the executive branch is composed of a Prime Minister and a cabinet, forming the Government of Mongolia. The Prime Minister is nominated by the political party (or coalition) that holds the majority of seats in the State Great Khural following general elections. While the Constitution lays out the broader framework, the nomination process is also governed by the Law on Government (Article 4.1). Although the Constitution allows for an alternative procedure in case no majority is reached (in Article 39 par. 2), this mechanism has been rarely activated. For the most part, the Government has emerged from either a clear majority or a post-electoral coalition.
The Prime Ministerial candidate must be proposed to the State Great Khural within five days of legislative elections, following consultation with the President. Once appointed, the Prime Minister then proposes the remaining cabinet members, again in consultation with the President. This constitutionally mandated collaboration between the President and the Prime Minister can prove complex, especially in cases of cohabitation – when the two officeholders belong to different parties. Unlike France, where the three experiences of cohabitation have not led to a deadlock, in Mongolia such situations have proven more complicated. However, if disagreements persist, the Great Khural has the authority to resolve the deadlock.
Since 1992, Mongolia’s political life has been dominated by two major parties – the Mongolian People’s Party (MPP) and the Democratic Party (DP). The MPP, originally the Mongolian Revolutionary Party, later split into two factions, with the MPP remaining dominant in Parliament today. The DP, formed out of the 1990s democratic movement, serves as the main opposition, alongside a growing number of smaller parties that are progressively gaining seats in Parliament. Political parties in Mongolia are powerful and highly centralized, making it difficult for the general population to gain access to party membership and influence. In 2023, a constitutional amendment approved by a large majority (62-6) increased the number of parliamentary seats from 76 to 126 to overcome legislative deadlock and to improve pluralistic representation, introducing a new electoral system, combining majoritarian and proportional elements. Though some criticize the enlarged parliament as more costly, proponents and constitutional law specialists argue it broadens access to political participation. Subsequently, debates on reforming the Law on Political Parties have gained momentum, until it was amended in 2024. An OSCE’s opinion acknowledged significant improvements, particularly regarding the creation of new political parties and access to existing ones.
Constitutional accountability in action
After the resignation of Ukhnaa Khurelsukh, who later became President, Luvsannamsrain Oyun-Erdene was appointed Prime Minister in 2021. After the MPP won the 2024 parliamentary election, he was able to continue his tenure.
A prominent figure in national politics, Oyun-Erdene had previously served as Head of the Cabinet Secretariat. He holds a strong academic profile, including legal training and studies at Harvard University, and is the youngest head of government in recent Mongolian history. Upon taking office, he formed a cabinet composed largely of young, U.S.-educated professionals, signaling a generational shift in Mongolia’s political leadership. In contrast to his predecessors, many of whom had been shaped by the socialist era, Oyun-Erdene represented a new, internationally oriented generation – an image that attracted attention from foreign media.
Between May 13 and May 27, 2025, Mongolia witnessed youth-led protests in Sukhbaatar Square. The demonstrators, largely from younger generations, expressed deep frustration with the Government’s handling of corruption and a perceived lack of transparency. These protests revived an old public outcry over earlier scandals – in particular, unresolved cases from 2023 involving corruption in the coal mining industry and abuse of resources from national funds. Those protests were violent, culminating in an attempt to occupy the Parliament building and force the cabinet to resign. The attempt ultimately failed. Despite promises made by the government at the time – which involved the Prime Minister as well – to bring those responsible of corruption to justice, progress stalled.
By contrast, the 2025 protests were entirely peaceful: there were no instances of violence or aggression, neither from the protesters nor from the police. The immediate trigger for the recent protests was a scandal involving the Prime Minister’s son, whose luxury lifestyle sparked widespread outrage. Protesters demanded that the Prime Minister clarify the source of the wealth, raising questions about financial impropriety. While some local media praised the civic engagement and peaceful nature of the protests, others noted signs of political instrumentalization, as the scandal unfolded amid rising tensions within the ruling coalition over the budget, anti-corruption efforts, and internal party divisions.
A vote of confidence
The mounting pressure from both protesters and coalition members led the Prime Minister to ask for a vote of confidence, according to Article 44 of the Constitution. The Democratic Party – part of the broad governing coalition that also included smaller parties – chose to protest the process, with its members walking out of the parliamentary chamber prior to the vote. The vote was held on June 2, 2025: out of 82 votes cast, 44 supported the Prime Minister (53.6%) while 38 voted against. However, the confidence motion required the majority of all 126 members of the Great Khural, at least 64 votes in favor, to pass. As this threshold was not met, Speaker D. Amarbayasgalan announced that Prime Minister Oyun-Erdene was officially dismissed from office. On June 13, 2025, Gombojavyn Zandanshatar was appointed Prime Minister by the President.
In Mongolia’s constitutional system, the popularly elected President is expected to embody the unity of the nation. As head of state and commander-in-chief, the President has significant constitutional prerogatives but is not meant to intervene directly in parliamentary confidence votes. In the 2025 political crisis, President Ukhnaa Khurelsukh – a former Prime Minister with extensive parliamentary experience – maintained a neutral stance. Rather than siding with any political faction, he delivered a speech before Parliament emphasizing the importance of resolving the crisis through democratic institutions, not in the streets. He called on lawmakers to respond to public discontent with a vote of confidence, framing the protests as an opportunity to strengthen democratic accountability rather than disrupt institutional order.
With the departure of the Democratic Party from the governing coalition, Mongolia now has a more clearly defined parliamentary opposition. Previously, the broad coalition government had drawn criticism for weakening parliamentary oversight and blurring the lines between majority and opposition. While some smaller parties remain represented in the cabinet, the Democratic Party – now functioning fully as an opposition force – has reestablished a more balanced institutional dynamic. This development strengthens democratic accountability by restoring the essential role of parliamentary scrutiny in government affairs.
Mongolia’s emerging constitutional culture
Mongolia’s political culture today is shaped by a unique blend of influences. Decades of Soviet collaboration left a legacy of Western institutional thinking, while Buddhist traditions and recent Asian models (especially Japan and South Korea) have introduced new social expectations. The growing role of social media – especially among young, globally connected citizens – has increased public scrutiny and demands for transparency. For example, scandals tied to personal displays of wealth, reminiscent of controversies in neighboring countries, now resonate strongly with Mongolian youth.
The 2025 episode reflects a broader shift in Mongolian constitutional culture. While scandals are not new, what was different in this case was the institutional response: both popular protests and the use of constitutional mechanisms to challenge or remove a government stand in stark contrast to the authoritarian practices of the socialist regime. Although some interpreted the events through a partisan lens, especially within internal party divisions, the process itself followed constitutional norms.
The involvement of civil society in the recent resignation of the government illustrates the growing public interest in the Constitution and its mechanisms – an interest largely driven by the perception of widespread political corruption. As Mongolia does not have direct democracy mechanisms like referenda or recall mechanisms for government dismissal, parliamentary votes remain the primary tool for expressing democratic accountability. While cabinets often change – sometimes even due to policy disagreements, as during the COVID-19 crisis –, the increasing activism of young citizens and their ability to mobilize around corruption cases mark a new and more participatory phase of Mongolian democracy.
The active role of civil society in reclaiming the Constitution is also evidenced by the increasing — and, in some cases, excessive — use of actio popularis before the Constitutional Court. This legal avenue has become a crucial outlet for frustrations that cannot be addressed through conventional democratic processes. The Constitutional Court is more and more active, and a reform of its functioning is currently being examined in Parliament. A few months ago, at the request of the President of the Court, the Venice Commission published an opinion on the Draft Law on the Constitutional Court.
A new constitutional culture is thus emerging in Mongolia, one marked by a growing reliance on the Court, which is increasingly perceived as the only effective check on the entrenched power of political parties. In this context, peaceful popular protests have become also an essential means for citizens to express their demands and influence parliamentary behavior. The political transition of 2025 stands as a clear illustration of this new dynamic.
By Eleonora Bottini
Eleonora Bottini is a Professor of Public Law at the University of Caen Normandie.
Antonia Baraggia
Antonia Baraggia is an Associate Professor of Comparative Public Law at the State University of Milan, Italy.
Uyanga Myagmar
Uyanga Myagmar is Associate Professor of law at the National University of Mongolia.
Nicoletta Perlo
Nicoletta Perlo is a Professor of Public Law at the University of Burgundy, France.
Authors’ note: This article was written in the framework of the existing collaboration between the University of Milan, the University of Caen and the National University of Mongolia (Erasmus+ Capacity Building in Higher Education project “COMP-LAW”). We would like to thank Geser Ganbaatar for his comments on an earlier draft.
Mongolia’s New Challenge: Illegal Drugs www.thediplomat.com
Two weeks ago, the Mongolian public was shocked by a video showing the violent assault of a civilian by four men who were believed to be under the influence of illegal drugs. The case is now being investigated by police. The incident touches on larger issues in Mongolian society today, including inequality, corruption, and the fight against nontraditional threats including drug trafficking and usage.
On the night of July 18, a fight broke out outside of a night club. The fight involved men with ties to executives at three Mongolian firms: Gobi Cashmere, Tavan Bogd Group, and Erel Group. The assault was so severe that the victim was sent abroad for emergency care. The altercation was caught on video and quickly went viral on social media, stoking anger over the perception that business elites were taking advantage of their wealth.
Three of the four alleged perpetrators were arrested and are being held for 30 days, pending formal charges. The fourth suspect – Amarsaikhan Baatarsaikhan, the CEO of Gobi Cashmere and the son of the CEO of Tavan Bogd – fled Mongolia, most likely to avoid drug tests and charges relating to the incident.
It’s been reported that Amarsaikhan returned to Mongolia on July 27, but the father of the victim announced that Amarsaikhan had not returned and demanded that he be held responsible for his actions.
Drug trafficking (with the intent to sell or consume) and usage is illegal in Mongolia. Current law stipulates a five- to 12-year prison sentence. In 2024, the Mongolian police registered 254 cases relating to substance abuse and illicit drugs, involving 197 males and 27 females, ages ranging in age from 13 to 56 years old.
Mongolia is facing a new challenge for its young population. The country is a party to the 1988 U.N. Drug Convention and has implemented a national program to combat drug addiction and related crimes, as well as raise public awareness. Mongolia is actively engaged in combating narcotics trafficking and use through legislation, national programs, and international cooperation. However, challenges remain, especially regarding enforcement, border control, and a need for a more comprehensive approach to drug trafficking and usage.
Given Mongolia’s landlocked position between Russia and China, it doesn’t require Sherlock Holmes to locate the transit hubs. While Russia and China remain world’s largest drug markets, the original sources of these trafficked drugs are as diverse as Thailand, South Korea, Turkiye, Malaysia, Malawi, and Czechia.
The usage of illicit drugs and especially synthetic drugs has consistently grown in Mongolia. According to the Global Initiative Against Organized Crime, methamphetamine, primarily coming in from China, poses the most significant drug-related challenge in Mongolia. In recent years, meth labs have also been dismantled in Mongolia itself.
In the last several years, more people have been arrested at the Mongolian border for drug smuggling. In June, a Mongolian airline passenger was caught with 181.8 grams of an unspecified illegal substance hidden in her body. She had been on a direct flight from Istanbul to Ulaanbaatar. Multiple cases have evidenced Turkiye as a one source of methamphetamine and cocaine coming into Mongolia.
While combating drug related crimes at home, Mongolia is seeking international cooperation in its efforts. In May 2024, Mongolia and the U.N. Office for Drug and Crimes launched an initiative to combat transnational organized crime, including drug trafficking. South Korea has also cooperated with Mongolia’s capacity building in forensics and drug crime.
As for border security and screening, as comprehensive strategic partners, China and Russia will need to step up their cooperation. Following the recent cases, Mongolia’s Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs Altangerel paid a working visit to Russia and met with Russian Minister of Internal Affairs Vladimir Kolokoltsev. One of the topics under discussion was the possibility of having Moscow oversee and train the police force in its effort in drug law enforcement.
In 2017, Mongolia and China agreed to cooperate in combating drug trafficking. But given the current escalation of drug-related cases, Beijing and Ulaanbaatar need to implement new policies. In June of this year, the Mongolian Embassy to China announced that more and more Mongolian citizens are being arrested in China due to attempted drug trafficking.
Drug trafficking cases have even impacted the Mongolian diplomatic community. In 2019, two Mongolian diplomats were arrested in Germany after a routine check resulted in the discovery of 70 kilograms of heroin in a vehicle with diplomatic plates. The Foreign Ministry and Mongolia’s General Intelligence Agency quickly acted, but ultimately no legal actions were taken against the accused, other than losing diplomatic privilege and being barred from serving in the government.
Moreover, there are indications that some drug traffickers are involved in larger networks in Asia. China lists the Golden Triangle – which spans over Thailand, Laos, and Myanmar – as a primary source of drug trafficking, from which drugs make their way to China and then on to Mongolia.
Whatever the source of the drug shipments, Mongolia’s border security and screenings are its first line of defense. Cities along the border with China and Russia are vulnerable, as thousands of Mongolians and foreigner travel through.
Over the last decade, the number of cases involving both drug smuggling and drug use have skyrocketed, from just 62 in 2014 to 405 in 2024. These numbers are expected to rise another 47 percent by 2030.
Worryingly, 86.6 percent of drug-related arrests involve young people between the ages of 13 and 35. Government officials have previously warned that Mongolia has moved from a drug transit hub to a consumer hub.
In Mongolia’s larger effort to combat drug trafficking, introducing modern technologies, screenings, and K9 support will be imperative. Allocation of such financial and law enforcement resources will also be crucial.
On July 24, Mongolia’s new prime minister, Zandanshatar Gombojav, urged the authorities to regularly patrol streets for safety and public order, and called on the legislature to finalize and present the revised draft laws on trafficking illicit drugs. The Mongolian government is planning to establish an independent agency to combat drug trafficking. Parliament member Amgalanbaatar Ochirbat also presented a proposed revision to the Law on Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances, which will likely included strict penalties.
Minister of Internal Affairs Monkhbaatar Lkhagva also instructed police authorities to conduct anti-drug raids.
On the weekend of July 25-27, multiple night club and bars were raided. In the span of those two days, 1,043 people tested positive for having taken some sort of an illicit drug.
As Mongolia seeks to boost its tourism industry, the recent raids also serve as a clear warning for foreign tourists. If caught carrying or using recreational drugs in the country, foreigners could face up to 12 years in prison.
Mongolia’s increasing exposure to drugs and illicit activities carries its own socioeconomic risk. However, it also intersects with persistent questions about inequality, the lavish wealth of Mongolia’s elites, and the potential to use corrupt means to shield themselves from legal accountability. High profile cases have involved former President Khaltmaa Battulga’s son, a former health minister, and the son of a supreme justice, s well as the children of CEOs implicated in the latest assault. To the Mongolia public, the preferential treatment given to these elites is a clear sign of corruption.
These issues raise a major warning for lawmakers and decisionmakers. Despite the government’s effort to establish a drug enforcement agency, with corruption upending judicial procedures, cynicism among the public remain high.
By Bolor Lkhaajav
President of Mongolia Partially Vetoes Parliamentary Resolution on the Implementation of “Gold-3” National Campaign www.montsame.mn
President of Mongolia Khurelsukh Ukhnaa has partially vetoed Resolution No. 85 of the State Great Khural (Parliament) on the Implementation of the “Gold-3” National Campaign.
The veto is based on two main grounds: the need to pursue a policy of increasing state special protected areas and the importance of aligning the Resolution with the principles of the Constitution of Mongolia.
Clause 5 of the 2025 Resolution No. 85 of the State Great Khural instructs the Government to urgently submit a draft amendment to the 2020 Resolutions No. 46 and 47, in order to bring primary gold deposits into economic circulation. However, those 2020 resolutions had designated certain lands as protected areas and adjusted boundary lines to expand special protections. The President warned that modifying these previous decisions to bring primary gold deposits into economic circulation would undermine legal protections and potentially shrink the nation’s protected lands.
The President stressed that while it is important to increase the National Wealth Fund, this must not come at the cost of reducing special protected areas, which are key to ecological balance and national security. Mongolia's state policy aims to protect areas of unique natural, scientific, historical, and ecological importance for current and future generations to live in a healthy and safe environment. President Khurelsukh also pointed to the National Security Concept of Mongolia, which identifies environmental protection, including forests, water resources, and biodiversity, particularly combating desertification, as a component of national security.
In addition, Clause 3 of the Resolution states that the resolution becomes effective from the date the Amendment Law to the 2025 State Budget Law takes effect. The President noted this could infringe on his constitutional right to veto, as decisions must be made within five working days of receiving a law.
Therefore, the President called for strict adherence to the principle of increasing state special protected areas and ensuring full compliance with the Constitution.
Bus Rapid Transit Project to Accelerate Traffic by 10-20 Percent www.montsame.mn
The Office of the Mayor of the Capital City reported that the Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) project will be implemented with funding from the Asian Development Bank (ADB), and that the terms of reference for the feasibility study are currently being developed.
The project is planned to construct a special corridor dedicated to buses only, spanning 12.7 kilometers, with 17 stops along the route of Ard Ayush Avenue–Ikh Toiruu–Namyangju Street–Niislel Khuree Avenue–National Park, and comprehensively upgrade the associated infrastructure. The project includes the construction of a new 12.79-kilometer bicycle lane, an upgrade of a 0.94-kilometer existing bicycle lane, renovation of 11.09 kilometers of sidewalks, and landscaping of 83,000 square meters of space along the corridor.
The project aims to reduce traffic congestion in the city and improve the quality and accessibility of public transport services. The feasibility study also includes a comprehensive analysis of current conditions, traffic flow projections, engineering assessment reports, baseline and supplementary studies, as well as an assessment of the goods and materials required for the project.
The Bus Rapid Transit project is estimated to accelerate average traffic flow by 10–20 percent. Furthermore, the heights of bus platforms and station areas are planned to be constructed at the same level to facilitate easier boarding and alighting, ensuring safe and accessible service for the elderly, persons with disabilities, women, and children.
Ulaanbaatar City has declared 2025 as the “Year of Development” and is implementing the 24 mega projects for 2025-2028 in phases.
New Choir-Mandalgobi-Arvaikheer Highway to Shorten Cargo Routes by Up to 400 km www.montsame.mn
Prime Minister of Mongolia Zandanshatar Gombojav visited the construction site of the Arvaikheer section of the Choir-Mandalgobi-Arvaikheer horizontal highway project on July 26, 2025.
The project began in 2024 across three key locations, which are Arvaikheer, Mandalgobi, and Choir. To date, 23.8 kilometers of paved road have been completed. The Arvaikheer section is being implemented by the "Khuljiin Golyn Zam" company, and currently, the first stage of the section’s construction stands at 90 percent completion. The sections in Mandalgobi and Choir are each about 50 percent complete. In total, the planned road will span 487.7 kilometers of fully paved highway.
The Arvaikheer section features the first-ever two-level road interchange to be constructed in rural Mongolia. The design eliminates direct intersections, reducing the risk of traffic accidents and ensuring uninterrupted traffic flow.
Once the full horizontal corridor is completed, it will significantly reduce transportation costs and travel time for residents of western aimags. Cargo transportation to Zamiin-Uud will no longer require transit through Ulaanbaatar, shortening the route by an estimated 200 to 400 kilometers.
This infrastructure project aims to improve regional connectivity and enhance logistics efficiency across the country.
Battushig Batbold on Mongolia’s Olympic Rise and Global Ambitions www.montsame.mn
An Interview with Battushig Batbold, President of the Mongolian National Olympic Committee (MNOC).
SINCE BECOMING PRESIDENT OF THE MONGOLIAN NATIONAL OLYMPIC COMMITTEE, MANY ACCOMPLISHMENTS HAVE BEEN MADE. WHAT ARE THE HIGHLIGHTS?
As a member of the International Olympic Committee (IOC), I have participated in two Summer Olympic Games. During the Tokyo Olympics, I served as Chef de Mission and led the Mongolian delegation. Despite the challenges of the pandemic, the team secured four medals and set a national record for the most athletes competing in final matches.
At the Paris Olympics, Mongolia was represented by 32 athletes across nine sports and won a silver medal. A major achievement was the successful launch of the “Mongolia House” project in Paris, which welcomed over 60,000 visitors and showcased Mongolian culture, history, and heritage.
On July 27, following the Olympic Opening Ceremony, President U. Khurelsukh of Mongolia visited Mongolia House. That same day, wrestler B. Baasankhuu won her semifinal match to advance to the gold medal match. It was a historic moment shared with Mongolians at Mongolia House, and she ultimately won the silver medal, which I had the honor of presenting during the medal ceremony.
The success of our Olympic participation would not have been possible without the support of key partners. Major private sponsors included Ayan Zalaat, Skytel, and Xac Bank. MAK, led by my wife Tselmuun Nyamtaishir, also provided support through subsidiaries such as Hunnu Airlines and Ayan Zalaat Hotels.
On the public side, the Ministry of Culture, led by Minister Nomin Chinbat, and the Ulaanbaatar Mayor’s Office worked in strong coordination. Notably, the former Mayor of Ulaanbaatar served as Chef de Mission for the 2024 Paris Olympics.
THOUGHTS ON THE NEWLY ELECTED IOC PRESIDENT?
When Thomas Bach was elected President of the IOC in 2013, there were only a few countries interested in hosting the Olympic Games. Under his leadership, the Olympic Movement has grown significantly more inclusive, with over ten countries now bidding to host future Games. His leadership has strengthened the movement financially and institutionally.
The "Olympic Agenda 2020" and "Olympic Agenda 2020+5" were transformative policy frameworks introduced under his leadership. The first included 40 reform recommendations focused on sustainability, transparency, and youth engagement. The follow-up added 15 more recommendations shaped by five global trends: solidarity, digitalization, sustainability, credibility, and economic resilience.
In March 2025, seven candidates competed in the IOC Presidential election in Greece. Zimbabwean Olympic gold medalist and former Minister of Sport, Kirsty Coventry, was elected as the first female and first African President of the IOC. She is a close personal friend, and our families have shared meaningful connections through the Olympic Games and IOC events.
Her election demonstrates the IOC’s commitment to diversity and equity, and her leadership is both inspiring and well-suited to guide the movement forward. Africa is set to host its first Youth Olympic Games in Dakar, Senegal in 2026, and more countries, including smaller nations, are now seriously considered as future hosts.
WHAT IS MONGOLIA’S POLICY ON HOSTING THE OLYMPIC GAMES?
Mongolia has formally expressed interest in hosting the Youth Olympic Games in 2030 or 2034. Nearly ten countries are currently in discussions with the Future Host Commission, including several from Latin America and Asia such as India, Thailand, and Indonesia.
Efforts are also underway to strengthen Mongolia’s participation in the 2028 Los Angeles Olympics. A memorandum of understanding is being prepared for signing with the United States Olympic and Paralympic Committee (USOPC) to expand cooperation. This follows recent agreements with the National Olympic Committees of Qatar and South Korea, which aim to enhance athlete development, knowledge exchange, and visa facilitation.
The agreement with Qatar marked Mongolia’s first strategic Olympic partnership beyond East Asia. The 2028 Olympics present not only a sporting milestone, but also a strategic opportunity to deepen Mongolia–U.S. relations.
Hosting a Youth Olympic Games would offer significant benefits. More than 100 IOC members typically visit the host country, providing global exposure and enhancing tourism, education, and cultural exchange. Youth aged 15–18 would be inspired toward healthy lifestyles, and long-term benefits would include infrastructure development and global engagement.
The idea of hosting the Youth Olympics was first proposed during the Tokyo Olympics in 2021. A formal proposal was submitted to President Bach, supported by a letter from then-Speaker of Parliament G. Zandanshatar, who has since become Prime Minister. Prior to becoming Prime Minister, he served on the Olympic Committee and led the Mongolian Chess Federation. He strongly supported preparations for the 2026 Youth Olympics and was considered for the role of Chef de Mission. With his new position, the MNOC Executive Board will decide on the most appropriate leader for Team Mongolia at Dakar 2026. Continued collaboration with the Prime Minister is expected.
WHAT PROGRAMS ARE BEING IMPLEMENTED FOR YOUTH DEVELOPMENT?
After becoming President of MNOC in 2022, the Olympic Values Education Program (OVEP) of the IOC was translated and introduced in Mongolia. This initiative promotes ethics, social skills, and physical wellness among youth through sport. Values such as excellence, respect, and friendship are taught through games and interactive activities.
Interest in OVEP began during the 2018 Youth Olympic Games in Argentina, where I served as the first Vice President of the MNOC. The program has been widely implemented in countries such as New Zealand, where it is integrated with physical education and civic studies, and in Tanzania and the Philippines, where it has promoted social cohesion and gender equality.
In Mongolia, the program is being gradually introduced in public schools, with instructor training and institutional partnerships underway. Special appreciation is extended to MNOC First Vice President Mr. Naranbaatar and the Mongolian Olympic Academy for their leadership in implementing this initiative.
HOW HAS YOUR EDUCATION AT TOP UNIVERSITIES SHAPED YOU?
Studying at the University of Chicago has been one of the most formative experiences of my life. The university’s global reputation in economics, law, philosophy, and physics—along with its affiliation with over 100 Nobel Prize winners—made it a rigorous intellectual environment. Those years helped refine my thinking, strengthen my character, and shape my leadership approach.
The degree in Economics provided a solid foundation for my work in banking and finance. Upon returning to Mongolia in 2016, the knowledge gained at the University of Chicago became particularly relevant during my service on the Monetary Policy Committee of the Bank of Mongolia.
My graduate studies at Harvard Business School offered another level of exposure to global innovation and leadership. The case study method, which promotes dialogue around problem-solving and disruption, helped me further develop critical thinking. This inspired a strong interest in how emerging technologies could be applied in Mongolia across both public and private sectors.
The relationships formed during my time at these institutions continue to be meaningful professionally and personally. These global networks remain valuable to this day.
YOU HAVE SHOWN A STRONG INTEREST IN ADVANCED TECHNOLOGIES AND ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE.
Beyond the private sector, the role of technology in sports is rapidly expanding. The International Olympic Committee is now using AI to identify and support young athletes in underserved areas. For the 2026 Youth Olympic Games in Senegal, youth athletic performance data—such as flexibility and speed—is being collected and uploaded to the cloud, where AI tools analyze the data to identify future talent.
Mongolia seeks to introduce similar initiatives to identify and support local athletes early. Such efforts will help build an environment where young Mongolians can thrive in sports. This is not only a technological initiative—it is a national priority to strengthen global competitiveness through early talent development.
A century of progress: Mongolia’s road transport sector turns 100 www.iru.org
This century saw a transition of cross-border freight operations from pack animal caravans to modern motor fleets, led by IRU member the National Road Transport Association of Mongolia.
Mongolia has marked a historic milestone, celebrating 100 years of road transport.
The centenary celebrations brought together the entire road transport community: industry leaders, regulators and clients. The President of Mongolia, the State Great Hural (Parliament), the Prime Minister, and the Minister of Road and Transport conveyed official congratulatory messages to delegates and transport sector employees.
IRU General Delegate to Eurasia Vadim Zakharenko said, “Mongolia has already made significant development gains over recent years. Though a landlocked country, it is ideally placed to facilitate trade and transport. Mongolia is fully capable of converting the challenges currently associated with the diversification of global and regional supply chains and logistics flows into opportunities.
“This remarkable milestone reflects a century of progress, regional cooperation and innovation in Mongolia’s transport industry.
“Mongolia is exemplary in how it demonstrates strong support for road transport and values the sector’s crucial role in driving foreign trade, mobility, prosperity, and sustainable development.”
Echoing its legacy as a vital link along the ancient Silk Road and the Tea Horse Road, Mongolia is once again bridging East and West, North and South. It is fast becoming a strategic transit and logistics hub in the region. Last year, road transport operators were responsible for around 65% of domestic freight movements and 88% of exports.
In support of its trade and transit ambitions, Mongolia is actively promoting the global TIR transit system to facilitate seamless cross-border transport with neighbouring countries and beyond. Continued professionalisation of the road transport industry is helping cement the country’s status as a land-linked economy.
Mongolia is also coupling hard infrastructure investments with advanced cross-border facilitation, including the implementation of sophisticated digital customs and transit systems, and the development of express TIR Green Lanes at key border crossings.
Centenary celebrations featured a vibrant programme, including a retro vehicle exhibition, a city parade in Ulaanbaatar’s Sukhbaatar Square, a transport-themed art gallery exhibition, and the release of a commemorative postage stamp and coin. The festivities continued with a national cultural festival showcasing traditional Mongolian sports outside the capital.
Kristie Batten: Asian Battery Metals eyes scale-up of copper-nickel discovery www.themercury.com.au
One of Australia’s top mining journalists, Kristie Batten, writes for Stockhead every week in her regular column placing a watchful eye on the movers and shakers of the small cap resources scene.
Asian Battery Metals (ASX:AZ9) believes it may have made a significant copper-nickel-platinum group element discovery at its Oval project in Mongolia.
AZ9, which listed on the ASX last year, was previously focused on its more advanced graphite and lithium projects in Mongolia, though Oval was selected to be part of BHP’s Xplor exploration accelerator in 2023.
The company used the US$500,000 of funding provided by the program to drill Oval.
In October 2024, AZ9 reported a hit of 8.8m at 6.08% copper, 3.19% nickel, 1.63 grams per tonne platinum, palladium and gold (E3) and 0.11% cobalt, or 12.57% copper equivalent from 107.2m.
Since then, the company has been focused on expanding the scale of the discovery.
Earlier this month, AZ9 reported an intersection of 8.7m at 2.44% copper, 1.52% nickel, 1.4g/t E3 and 0.06% cobalt from 112.8m, including 2m at 3.72% copper, 3.82% nickel, 1.65g/t E3 and 0.16% cobalt, 130m down-dip of a previous intercept.
The results suggest semi-continuous mineralisation extends over 800m, including North Oval and the Oval gabbroic intrusion.
Planning underway
The recent focus for AZ9 has been electromagnetics to define targets for the next round of drilling.
“Electromagnetic is the go-to tool for this type of mineralisation, so we brought Gap Geophysics, the Australian company, to the field, and they are working currently,” AZ9 managing director Gan-Ochir Zunduisuren told Stockhead.
“Based on that work, we're hoping that we'll have multiple targets to drill on top of whatever we have from our ground EM work.”
On Friday, AZ9 announced that the ground-based fixed loop electromagnetic survey at Oval was halfway through but had already resulted in 29 conductive plates being modelled across four target zones.
Six priority one plates have been identified with strong geophysical responses.
The focus of the remainder of the program is the deeper zones and step-out targets, including MS1, MS2 and Quartz Hill targets.
Zunduisuren said the program to date had delivered the results the company were hoping for.
“I think the next stage of drilling is going to be quite instrumental for us,” he said.
Drilling is set to resume in early August, while the first round of metallurgical test work results will also be released this quarter.
“The strategy for this year is to really show the size and the extent of the mineralisation to get the feeling of how large the potential is, and if we can get that by the end of the year, next year we're going to drill for a resource,” Zunduisuren said.
“We have very limited historic information. This is a brand new area, even in Mongolia, in the southwest part where we are working.
“I don't think there have been any historic magmatic mafic intrusion-related copper and nickel sulphide systems before, so this is brand new in this sense, so we really have to do everything from ground up.
“That's why we certainly believe that there is definitely a potential for camp-scale or clusters of orebodies within a few kilometres or a few tens of kilometres from each other.”
Mongolia still emerging
Despite Mongolia being home to Rio Tinto’s massive Oyu Tolgoi copper-gold mine, Zunduisuren said it was still misunderstood as a destination.
“The last round of real investor interest was in the early 2000s,” he said.
“That's when we had a big flow of investment from Australia and Canada, especially in the gold space in Mongolia, and then the copper space.
“Knowing all the moving parts there, I think Mongolia will probably become quite interesting for investors over the next few years.”
Zunduisuren said Mongolia was a mature mining destination with the right regulatory frameworks in place to support the industry.
“Infrastructure wise, it's vastly improved over the last 15 years,” he said.
“Just based on that, it’s way better positioned to attract investment than 15 years ago.”
The ASX’s only other Mongolia-focused copper player, Xanadu Mines, is set to disappear shortly after accepting a $180 million takeover offer.
Xanadu accepted the 8c per share offer – a 57% premium – and the acquirer Bastion Mining moved to compulsory acquisition on Friday.
It will result in one less copper developer on the ASX, a space which is already reasonably thin.
“I think the key for larger institutional investors or corporates, they're definitely looking, of course, and observing how we progressing further,” Zunduisuren said.
“To really make their minds up, there's two things that need to be there. One is a quantity. The other is quantity.
“With our current results, we have shown there's definitely a quality of the product there, but we need to show the quantity and that's the whole strategy of this year's exploration.”
At Stockhead we tell it like it is. While Asian Battery Metals is a Stockhead advertiser at the time of writing, it did not sponsor this article.
Special investigation team probes military intelligence for North Korea coup collusion www.biz.chosun.com
It has been confirmed that the special investigation team visiting the Korea Military Intelligence Command, which is under suspicion of colluding with North Korea prior to the Dec. 3 martial law, conducted an investigation.
According to the legal community on the 27th, the special investigation team visited the Intelligence Command located in Anyang, Gyeonggi Province, on the 25th and conducted field investigations.
The special investigation team is particularly focusing on the relation between the martial law and an incident in which two Intelligence Command agents were captured by Mongolian intelligence while attempting to contact Mongolian officials to infiltrate the North Korean Embassy in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia, last November.
There are also allegations that former Intelligence Commander Moon Sang-ho asked for support for the declaration of martial law during a business trip to Taiwan just before the announcement of the martial law.
The special investigation team has reportedly investigated senior officers belonging to the Joint Chiefs of Staff as witnesses in connection with the recent drone infiltration operation in Pyongyang.
It has been identified that the special investigation team summoned and investigated Jeong Kwang-ung, former director of the Joint Chiefs of Staff's Operations Planning Department, and Jeong Sang-jin, director of the Joint Chiefs of Staff's Joint Operations Division, who worked under Lee Seung-o, the Joint Chiefs of Staff's chief of operations, between October and November last year.
If the special investigation team finds that they contacted North Korea with the aim of provoking a North Korean military provocation that would justify the declaration of martial law, it is understood that this could correspond to the criteria of 'collusion with a foreign country' stipulated in foreign exchange crimes.
By Kim Bo-yeon
TMK starts drilling seventh gas production well in Mongolia www.smh.com.au
TMK Energy has started drilling a seventh production well to increase capacity at its Lucky Fox Pilot Well project in southern Mongolia, using a larger, more powerful TXD200 rig for the first time in the country.
Canadian firm Major Drilling is drilling the LF-07 pilot production well to further reduce the reservoir pressure towards the targeted critical desorption pressure. The additional well should boost the depressurisation sought at the project and bump up total production capacity.
TMK Energy has started drilling a seventh pilot production well at its Lucky Fox coal seam gas project in southern Mongolia, using Major Drilling’s larger TDX200 drill rig to complete the work program.
TMK Energy has started drilling a seventh pilot production well at its Lucky Fox coal seam gas project in southern Mongolia, using Major Drilling’s larger TDX200 drill rig to complete the work program.
A recent independent technical review recommended management utilise the larger TDX200 rig, which also has a more advanced mud system to drive drilling efficiencies.
The new well is being completed on a fixed cost “turnkey” contract with Major Drilling to minimise TMK’s exposure to cost overruns.
The Canadian-based drilling firm has drilled all six previous pilot wells at the project site.
The Lucky Fox project, which is part of TMK’s wider Gurvantes XXXV coal seam gas project, has progressively lifted gas output this year, setting several monthly records for gas volume produced.
The company expects to shortly produce commercial rates of gas across its 60-square-kilometre project in the Nariin Sukhait area of Mongolia’s vast countryside.
TMK Energy chief executive officer Dougal Ferguson said: “We have commenced drilling of our seventh pilot production well in the Lucky Fox Pilot Well project, which is another positive step forward for the project… With all six existing wells on production, including LF-05, which has recently been successfully remediated, we look forward to bringing LF-07 on production and continuing to grow our gas production capacity.”
Management has recently had pressure build-up tests conducted at its LF-01, LF-02 and LF-03 wells, encouragingly demonstrating significant reductions in the reservoir pressure within the past two years and providing an overall improvement in reservoir depressurisation.
The first gas slugs, large high-pressure gas bubbles, which have formed in its Lucky Fox wells LF-04 and LF-06, imply that the pilot well program is heading towards critical desorption pressure.
One of the company’s key objectives this year is to reduce the reservoir pressure below the critical desorption pressure, with gas rates anticipated to increase substantially when the objective is achieved.
That’s why the company has drilled three new production wells this year - LF-07 will be the fourth.
’… we look forward to bringing LF-07 on production and continuing to grow our gas production capacity.”
TMK Energy chief executive officer Dougal Ferguson
The latest well will help meet the company’s licence commitment for further pilot wells this year at its Gurvantes XXXV project and boost the production capacity at the complex.
TMK believes the additional well will help provide the extra pumping capacity needed to quickly reach the critical desorption pressures for the project to deliver an immediate uplift in gas production.
After completing LF-07, the company plans to drill up to five exploration wells in a highly prospective area, about 60km east of Nariin Sukhait.
The 2025 exploration drilling program is considered relatively low-cost but could have a big impact on building the company’s significant 2C contingent resources in the region.
The company’s contingent resource of 1214 billion cubic feet (BCF) of natural gas is Mongolia’s biggest. The project currently contains a 5300BCF prospective resource across a total 8400 square kilometres of ground.
Like many nations, Mongolia is keen to transition away from energy produced from burning coal. Coal seam gas is considered ideal as a “clean transition fuel” because it emits about half the carbon of coal-generated electricity and burns cleaner than other fossil fuels.
TMK believes its Gurvantes XXXV project has the tremendous advantage of proximity to northern China’s gas pipelines and provides the company with the opportunity to become a regionally significant, reliable source of natural gas supply for Mongolia’s domestic market and the region’s energy infrastructure.
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